Kosovo – Srbija posle proglašenja nezavisnosti
Priredila Staša Zajović na osnovu razgovora i javnih istupanja
aktivistkinja Mreže Žena u crnom Srbije (srpski, English)
Nezavisnost Kosova je stvarnost još od 1999. godine
Nakon vojne intervencije NATO-a, potpisivanjem Kumanovskog sporazuma, juna 1999. Kosovo je realno nezavisno u odnosu na Srbiju koja se obavezala na povlačenje svojih vojnih i policijskih snaga. Pregovori o rešenju statusa Kosova između albanske i srpske delegacije odvijali su se od februara 2006. i neuspešno okončani krajem 2007. s tim što je albanska strana prihvatila Ahtisarijev plan, a srpska ga je odbacila.
Nezavisnost Kosova je činjenica koja se mora prihvatiti iz mnoštva razloga:
• u dugom vremenskom periodu, posebno dolaskom S. Miloševića na vlast (1987.) albanski narod je bio izložen organizovanom državnom teroru, aparthejdu, progonu, sistematskom ponižavanju;
• nakon uspostavljanja protektorata na Kosovu, određeni elementi sa albanske strane sprovodili su odmazdu nad nealbanskim stanovništvom, posebno srpske pripadnosti, što je dovelo u pitanje suživot i još više narušilo bezbednost na Kosovu;
• posle pada režima S. Miloševića (oktobar 2000.) situacija nije suštinski promenjena, jer nove vlasti nisu ništa učinile da podstaknu dijalog sa kosovskim Albancima;
• zato što dva miliona osoba albanske nacionalnosti na Kosovu nisu želeli da žive u sastavu države Srbije, a to je činjenica koja se mora prihvatiti.
Čemu služi sadašnja propaganda vlasti u Srbiji?
Nakon očekivanog proglašenja nezavisnosti Kosova 17. februara 2008. godine, vlasti u Beogradu su podigle tenzije, došlo je do organizovanog nasilja: napada na ambasade zapadnih država, predstavništva stranih kompanija, ulični neredi...
Ciljevi ovakvog ponašanja i propagande vlasti u Srbiji su:
- održanje na vlasti na osnovu mita o Kosovu: pozivanje na nacionalnu svest u cilju etničke mobilizacije i homogenizacije;
- ubiranje političkih poena: proizvodnjom haosa pred izbore, ugrožavanjem bezbednosti političkih neistomišljenika/ca i nacionalnih manjina, ukratko, uvođenjem neke vrste vanrednog stanja pod izgovorom zaštite ustavnog poretka i državnog suvereniteta;
- skretanje pažnje sa realnih problema u Srbiji: sa ekonomskih i socijalnih problema, propaganda vlasti skreće javnost sa pitanja odgovornosti za ratne zločine, saradnje sa Haškim tribunalom, lustracije i ostalih institucionalnih reformi;
- sprečavanje građanske proevropske orijentacije u Srbiji: izolacija od Evrope i vraćanje 90-tim godinama režima S. Miloševića odgovara retrogradnim snagama u Srbiji radi nekontrolisane pljačke i legalizovanja bogatstva ratne mafije;
- represija nad 'unutrašnjim neprijateljima': posebno nad braniteljkama ljudskih prava i svima koji su van nacionalnog konzensusa po pitanju nezavisnosti Kosova, po pitanju odgovornosti za rat i ratne zločine, itd.
Koja je uloga civilnog društva u Srbiji u vezi sa nezavisnošću Kosova?
Civilno društvo kojem pripada Mreža Žena u crnom Srbije treba da se zalaže za:
- stvaranje klime radi osvešćivanja ljudi u Srbiji da je Kosovo nezavisno, kao i prihvatanja realnosti da dva miliona pripadnika/ca albanskog stanovništva ne želi da živi u okviru pravnog poretka Srbije;
- javno ukazivanje na političke motive i manipulacije sadašnje vlasti u vezi sa nezavisnošću Kosova;
- iskazivanje solidarnosti sa žrtvama političke represije i odmazde nacionalističke javnosti, tj. aktivistima/kinjama civilnog društva zbog drugačijih stavova od dominatnih, a vezanih za nezavisnost Kosova;
- slobodno, javno izražavanje stavova o nezavisnosti Kosova;
- nastavak odnosa saradnje i solidarnosti sa civilnim društvom na Kosovu, upoznavanje javnosti i vidljivost dobrih iskustava i praksi;
- zajednički rad sa civilnim društvom na Kosovu u izgradnji mira, poštovanja ljudskih prava, ljudske bezbednosti, manjinskih prava, itd.
V Na koji način će nezavisnost Kosova uticati na odnose između civilnog društva u Srbiji i na Kosovu?
Između organizacija civilnog društva, kao i političkih partija građanske orijentacije dve zemlje postojali su odnosi u dužem periodu, doduše u manjem obimu od željenog. Opšti stav aktivistkinja Mreže Žena u crnom jeste da će ti odnosi biti ne samo nastavljeni nego i da će proglašenje nezavinosti Kosova dovesti do:
- opuštenijih odnosa, uz više otvorenosti i bez opterećenja, budući da je civilno društvo na Kosovu veliki deo svoje energije posvećivalo rešenju statusa Kosova i za očekivati je da ćemo se sada zajedno više zalagati za pitanja ljudske bezbednosti, ljudskih prava, manjinskih prava koji imaju treba da imaju nad pitanjima nacionalnog i državnog suvereniteta;
- odnosi ne smeju da budu u funkciji 'projektnog umrežavanja', dobijanja donacija ili diktata donatora već prevazilaženja antagonizama između dva naroda, zbližavanja u funkciji pomirenja i izgradnje pravednog mira – za to je neophodno mnogo zajedničkog rada na terenu.
VI Na koji će način nezavisnost Kosova uticati na odnose između Mreže Žena u crnom Srbije i Mreže žena Kosova (KWN), tj. na odnose u u okviru Ženske mirovne koalicije?
Više od decenije i po uzajamne podrške, solidarnosti i plodotvorne saradnje, Mreža Žena u crnom Srbije i Mreža žena Kosova (WKN) napravile su Žensku mirovnu koaliciju, početkom 2006. godine. Aktivistkinje Mreže Žena u crnom Srbije zalagaće se za:
- saradnja ne bude samo nastavljena, već i obogaćena novim zajedničkim akcijama, sa mnogo više konkretnih aktivnosti vezanih za ženska ljudska prava, žensku autonomiju i feminizam naspram dominatnog tradicionalizma i etnonacionalizma;
- prevazilaženjem nacionalističko-militarističke klime u obe zajednice, i da se umesto klime nekažnjivosti, glorifikacije i poricanje zločina zalažemo za odgovornost za zločine počinjene u naše ime – za građansko društvo naspram dominatne etničke homogenizacije, itd.
Dugotrajni odnosi prijateljstva, solidarnosti i poverenja nalažu nam da našim prijateljicama, aktivističkim drugaricama sa Kosova – Mreži žena Kosova (KWN) najiskrenije izrazimo naše zadovoljstvo jer se ostvario njihov san o nezavisnosti Kosova.
I uvek imajući na umu da dolazimo iz države odgovorne za bezbrojne zločine počinjene nad narodom kojem pripadju, kao i činjenicu da smo uvek bile neposlušne svojima, da smo uvek bile izvan etničkog, nacionalnog i državnog konzensusa, želimo da im prenesemo naš feministički i etički imperativ:
- Ne dajte se od svojih prevariti! a to znači gradimo potpunu autonomiju u odnosu na etničke principe i autoritete, negujmo zajedno nenasilni otpor nacionalistima i militaristima, prvo svojima, a potom svim drugima. Negujmo zajedno feminističku solidarnost i sestrinstvo koje ne poznaje etničke podele, državne granice i prepreke!
Mreža Žena u crnom Srbije
Beograd, marta 2008.
Women in Black – Serbia perspectives
Kosovo – Serbia in the aftermath of the proclamation of independence
Independent Kosovo has been a reality ever since 1999
Following the NATO military intervention and the signing of the Kumanovo treaty in June 1999, Kosovo virtually gained independence from Serbia, which pledged to withdraw its military and police forces from there. Negotiations between the Albanian and Serbian delegation concerning the final status of Kosovo began in February 2006 and ended unsuccessfully late in 2007, the Albanian side having accepted the Ahtisari Plan and Serbia having rejected it.
The independence of Kosovo is a fact that has to be accepted for several reasons:
• Over a long period of time, particularly since the time S. Milosevic took power in 1987, the Albanian people was exposed to organized state terror, apartheid, persecution and systematic humiliation;
• After the introduction of the protectorate in Kosovo, certain elements on the Albanian side undertook retribution measures against the non-Albanian population, especially against Serbs, thus putting cohabitation in jeopardy and further deteriorating security in Kosovo;
• Following the downfall of the S. Milosevic regime (October 2000), the situation has not been substantially changed, as the new authorities have not done anything to encourage dialogue with the Kosovo Albanians.
• Because two million Albanians in Kosovo did not wish to live within the state of Serbia, which is a fact that must be accepted.
What is the purpose of the present propaganda campaign launched by the Serbian authorities?
After the expected proclamation of independence of Kosovo on February 17th 2008, the Belgrade authorities augmented the tensions, fomenting organized violence: attacks against embassies of western countries, foreign companies’ agencies, street unrests, etc.
The aims of such propaganda launched by the Serbian authorities are:
• Maintaining power based on the Kosovo myth: appealing to national awareness in order to achieve ethnic mobilization and homogenization;
• Scoring political points: by creating chaos before the elections, threatening the security of political opponents and national minorities, in brief, by introducing kind of state of emergency under the pretext of protecting the constitutional order and sovereignty;
• Averting public attention from the real problems in Serbia: from economic and social problems, from the issues of accountability for war crimes, cooperation with the Hague War Crimes Tribunal, lustration and other institutional reforms;
• Stifling the civil pro-European orientation in Serbia: the isolation from Europe and return to the 1990’s, marked by he regime of S. Milosevic, suits the retrograde forces in Serbia, enabling them to plunder the country and to legalize the war mongers’ amassed wealth.
• Repression aimed against ‘internal enemies’: especially against human rights defenders and all those who are outside the national consensus regarding the issue of the Kosovo independence, the issue of accountability for war and war crimes, etc.
What is the role of the civilian society in Serbia concerning the independence of Kosovo?
The civilian society, to which the Women in Black network belongs, should strive for the following:
• Creating a climate in Serbia favorable for bringing to consciousness the fact that Kosovo is independent and accepting the reality that two million Albanians do not wish to live within the legal system of Serbia;
• Drawing the attention of the public to the political motives and manipulations of the present government regarding the issue of Kosovo independence;
• Free, public expression of viewpoints regarding the independence of Kosovo;
• Continuation of cooperation and solidarity with the Kosovo civilian society, keeping the public informed and making visible good practical examples;
• Joining efforts with the Kosovo civilian society in building peace, respecting human rights, security, minority rights, etc.
V How will Kosovo independence affect the relations between the civilian society in Serbia and in Kosovo?
Relations between the civilian society organizations and the political parties of civilian orientation of the two countries have existed over a considerable period of time, although less intensive than desirable. It is the prevailing opinion of Women in Black activists that these relations will not only be continued, but also that the proclamation of independence of Kosovo will lead to:
• More relaxed and open, less burdened relations, in view of the fact that the civilian society in Kosovo invested a great deal of energy into the resolution of the status of Kosovo; it can therefore be expected that from now on, we will join our efforts working on issues of security of people, human rights and minority rights, which need to be given priority over issues of national and state sovereignty ;
• These relations must not be conditioned by “project networking”, i.e. obtaining donations or depending on the whims of the doors, but rather by the need to overcome antagonisms between the two peoples, rapprochement leading to reconciliation and building of a just peace – all this requires great deal of joint field activities.
VI How will Kosovo independence influence the relations between the Network of Women in Black – Serbia and the Kosovo Women’s Network (KWN) , i.e. the relations within the Women’s Peace Coalition?
The Women’s Peace Coalition was created in early 2006, after more than a decade of mutual support, solidarity and fruitful cooperation between the Network of Women in Black – Serbia and the Kosovo Women’s Network. The activists of the Network of Women in Black Serbia will strive for the following:
• Not merely the continuation, but the enrichment of cooperation through new joint actions, with many more concrete activities related to women’s human rights, women’s autonomy and feminism, as opposed to the dominant traditionalism and ethno-nationalism;
• The overcoming of the nationalistic and militaristic climate in both communities, demanding accountability for the war crimes that were committed in our name, instead of impunity, glorification and denial of crimes – for a civil society instead of ethnic homogenization, etc.
• Long-standing relations of friendship, solidarity and trust compel us to express our most sincere satisfaction with the fact that our friends, the Kosovo activists of the Kosovo Women’s Network have seen their dream come true: an independent Kosovo. Always bearing in mind that we come from a state that is responsible for countless crimes committed against their people, as well as the fact that we are always disobedient towards our own, that we always remain outside the ethnic, national and state consensus, we wish to convey to them a message containing our feminist and ethnic imperative:
• We shall not be deceived by our own camp! And that means that we are building an autonomy towards the ethnic principles and authorities, we develop together non-violent resistance to the nationalists and militarists, in the first place opposing those of our own., and then all others. We develop together feminist solidarity and sorority across all ethnic divides, state boundaries and obstacles!
Women in Black Network – Serbia
Belgrade, march 2008
(Prepared by Stasa Zajovic, on the grounds of informal exchanges and public discussions of the WiB activists)