Danas je u Jasenovcu... obeleženo... Šta se tamo više uopšte može obeležiti, osim smrti stotina hiljada civila svih uzrasta, odnosno  načina smrti nad kojim su čak i sami nemački nacisti bili šokirani? 

Poručiše sa današnjeg, prigodnog skupa, da se zločin ne sme ponoviti, ni mržnja, ni ... 

Kada sam 2008. godine glasao za Cedomira Jovanovica nisam mogao ni da zamislim da ce on u 4 sledece godine uspeti da sa svojom strankom toliko postane deo sistema protiv kojeg je bio da ce ga biti nemoguce razlikovati. Osim estetski. 

Ja, naime, nisam nagovarao Lidera da podrzi medijski zakon. Nisam ja zagovarao kod Lidera da se podrzi malovickina i homenova reforma sudstva. Nisam ja Lideru sugerisao da cutke prelazi preko skandala tipa  Miladin Kovacevic. Nisam ja Lideru govorio da je pametno i dalje dizati poslanicke rukice za sistem u kojem se oslobadjaju fasisti, a olos drzavno stipendira.

Novac je nešto s čim se susrećemo u svakodnevnom životu, nešto što upravlja našim sudbinama, sudbinama naših roditelja, dece, unuka... Novac je, ponekad, ono što nam određuje sudbine, što nas nagoni da napustimo grad u kome smo odrasli, prijatelje, rodbinu, porodicu, novac je ponekad ono što ljude održava u lošim i disfunkcionalnim brakovima, a ponekad i jedina stvar koja ženu ili čoveka čini srećnim: stvar koja kupuje kozmetičke tretmane, ulepšavanja, cipelice, tašnice, ogrlice, seksualne igračkice, a ponekad, boga mi, i čitave partnere... U Srbiji se često za previše

Dakle,

'Koliko god da me rastuži poskupljenje toliko me razveseli objašnjenje' (ViB)

Objašnjenje da je Srbiji 'NATO potreban' nije smešno. Tužno je. I izrekao ga je neko ko je pozivao na rat sa vojskom te iste organizacije i ko je tražio da se na određeni način piše o ljudima iz NATO i koji je sve koji su , makar uz maštu, pozitivno

Danas je 4. avgust, dan koji je bitan u mom životu, ali i dan koji je ušao u lični život svih Srba iz Krajine. To je dan koji je ušao u istoriju kao veliki dan nesreće srpske zajednice u Hrvatskoj. To je svakako dan o kome će se još razogovarati i koji ostaje ne samo nerazmršeni deo srpsko – hrvatske istorije, nego potreba da se te države, njihovi političari i njihove elite ozbiljno pogledaju u ogledalo. U to ogledalo će biti potrebno pogledati, ne da bi se reklo ko je lepši i veći, moralniji i više u pravu, nego da se kaže istina kao uslov da Srbi i Hrvati kao i drugi narodi

...ovu recenicu treba svako od nas da ponavlja u svojoj glavi...

...ma sta radio...

...ma gde bio...

...ma sta mislio o Njemu...

Zoran

Dalibor Kokic

Kako živim i radim u dve različite države, i kako se komplikuju odnosi između (liberalnog i kapitalu sklonog) Zapada i (konzervativnog i takođe kapitalu sklonog) Istoka, počeo mi je privlačiti pažnju određeni paradoks: dolazim iz zemlje sa zapada koja je okrenuta, kao, kultura, prema Istoku; radim u zemlji na istoku koja je, kulturpolitički, u potpunosti okrenuta na Zapad.

Wiki, Novi Sad raid: On 20 January, Novi Sad was completely surrounded and placed on curfew. Its telephone and telegraph lines were cut. The city was divided into multiple areas of responsibility, with a different officer tasked with organizing the round-ups in each. Placards sprang up on buildings, warning citizens against going outdoors, except to buy food. Feketehalmy-Czeydner summoned the local authorities and announced that the Royal Hungary Army would "take charge and clean things up" over the next three days. The raid began the following day. Between 6,000 and 7,000 people that were considered "suspicious" were arrested and taken to have their papers examined. Others were detained on account that they had no papers. Most were released, but at least 40 were taken to the banks of the Danube and shot.

"The massacre was conducted systematically," the historian Leni Yahil writes, "street by street." Many of the soldiers were visibly intoxicated. Survivor accounts, delivered after the war, attest to the brutality of the killings. A woman recalled how, on 23 April, a soldier entered her apartment, demanding to know her family's religious affiliation. The woman told him that she and her family were Orthodox Christians. Infuriated, the soldier called her a "stinking Serb" and killed her five sons. Thousands of men, women and children were imprisoned and interrogated at the Sokolski Dom, one of the city's main cultural centres. Many died during their interrogation.

Temperatures reached −29 °C (−20 °F). Victims were brought to an area known as the Štrand, along the Danube, and shot with machine guns. Their killers then broke up the frozen river's ice sheets with artillery fire and tossed the bodies into the water. According to another account, the victims were forced to tread the ice sheets, which were then shattered by shelling from the shore, causing them to fall into the freezing water and drown. The killings only ceased after four days, when the city's Lord Lieutenant, László Deák, bypassed the curfew and alerted the authorities in Budapest. He returned with orders that the massacre was to come to an immediate halt. Feketehalmy-Czeydner ordered that all executions be stopped by 9:00 p.m. Deák's mother was among the victims. "The randomness and senselessness of the operation were evident especially by the fact that it hit not one single functionary of the Yugoslav Communist Party," the historian Krisztián Ungváry writes.