Priština and back – part 2: Nike slogans

Cont…

 7. The politics

7. Politika

Having only visited Priština once for two days, and having never seen any other part of Kosovo, it is naturally to be understood that my comments are based strictly on a layman’s initial observations.

Pošto sam samo jednom posetio Prištinu na dva dana, i pošto nikad nisam video druge delove Kosova, podrazumeva se da su moji komentari zasnovani isključivo na prvim utiscima jednog običnog čoveka.

 One must also bear in mind that I went with Jimbo and met only his people – just a few of the up & coming young political and social elite of Priština. It is also worth noting that Jimbo is an ardent supporter of independence for the province, whilst I, apparently (according to some people in town) am a Serbian nationalist (from the East Riding!).

Čitalac bi trebalo da ima u vidu da sam bio sa Džimbom i da sam upoznao samo njegove ljude – nekoliko mladih, budućih članova političke i društvene elite Prištine. Isto bi trebalo da znate da je Džimbo strogi podržalac samostalnosti pokrajine, dok sam ja, očigledno (prema rečima nekoliko ljudi iz grada), srpski nacionalista (iz istočnog Jorkšira!) 

With all this in mind, here follows some anecdotal observations and assessments from my short time in Priština.

Sa sve ovim u vidu, u daljem tekstu ćete naći nekoliko anegdotskih primedbi i ocena iz moje kratke poseta Prištini. 

Militancy test

Test militantnost

Mark asks Jimbo’s Kosovo-Albanian friend about beer [conversation in Serbian]

Mark postavi Jimbovoj Kosovsko-Albanskoj prijateljici pitanja o pivu. [razgovor je bio na srpskom] 

This beer of yours is good, how do you pronounce the name? I inquired.

“Dobro je ovo vaše pivo, kako se izgovora ime?” pitao sam. 

“Peja” (pe-ya) she said. 

“Peja”, rekla je. 

"How’s that? Pechko?"

“Kako? Pećko?” 

“No, it’s not Pechko,” she insisted, reverting instantly to English. 

“Ne, nije Pećko,” insistirala je, odmah nazad na engleskom. 

"Yes it is. This is that renowned Pechko Beer."

“Jeste. To je to čuveno Pećko Pivo.” 

“This beer is from Peja.” 

“Ovo pivo je iz Peje.” 

“But Peja is Peć, isn’t it?”

“Ali Peja jeste Peć, zar nije?”  

“In Albanian and English it’s Peja,” she explained.

“Na albanskom i na engleskom je Peja”, objasnila je. 

“In English too?” I was sceptical. “I know. Let’s call it Peja Beer from Peć,” I suggested, “or Pechko Pivo from Peja. There. See how easy we can make a compromise that suits everybody?”

“I na engleskom?” skeptičan sam bio. “Imam ideju. Hajde da zovemo ovo Peja Bira iz Peća”, predložio sam “ili Pećko pivo iz Peja. Eto. Vidi kako lako možemo da napravimo kompromis koji svima odgovora?” 

She smiled and was silent. She’d handled my provocative banter well, and we moved on.

Osmehnula se i zaćutala. Dobro je izdržala moje provokacije, pa smo promenili temu. 

Compromise test

Test kompromisa

 In conversation with Jimbo, his colleagues and friends, it quickly became evident that a debate on the partition of Kosovo and a land-swap deal involving Preševo had begun in Priština.

U razgovoru sa Jimbom, njegovim kolegama i prijateljima, brzo sam skontao da je u Prištini već počela debata oko podele Kosova i trampe zemlje sa Preševom. 

The people we met were insistent that their leadership had no authority over the northern part of Kosovo and, thus, were prepared to compromise – provided they got something from Serbia in return, i.e. the Preševo Valley, for a start.

Ti ljudi koje smo upoznali su insistirali da njihovo rukovodstvo nema nikakav autoritet nad severnim delom Kosova, i zato su spremni da naprave kompromis – u slučaju da oni dobiju nešto od Srbije kao kompenzaciju – tj Preševsku dolinu, za početak. 

I explained quite clearly that what they would get in exchange for the North, in theory, would be an entire province of Serbia; a huge chunk of another existing sovereign country to call their own!

Jasno sam im objasnio da to što bi oni dobili u slučaju podele sa severom, u teoriji, bi bila jedna cela pokrajina Srbije; jedno ogromno parče neke druge postojeće suverene države, koje bi zvali svojim!  

No, no, I was assured, they already had that; that province was already theirs and not up for negotiation; no, no, if Belgrade wanted Northern Kosovo, then the Serbs would have to give up some of their territory, and not merely offer territory they’d already lost.

Ne, ne, uverili su me, već su to dobili; ta pokrajina je već njihova i nije stvar pregovora; ne, ne, ako Beograd želi severni deo Kosova, onda Srbija mora da da neke od svojih teritorija, a ne samo da nudi teritoriju koju su već izgubili. 

For me, this was the killer blow. It was during this conversation that I realised, once and for all, that there’s no way these people – this new generation of Prištinans / Prištiners – will ever accept any sort of rule from Belgrade. Why would they allow themselves to be under the yoke a nation they already ‘defeated’ eight years ago? Why would they accept Serbian nationality when the “world” (i.e. the U.S.) has spent the last eight years assuring them that they are just about to become a country? Why would they? They wouldn’t.

Za mene, ovo je bio smrtni udarac. U toku ovog razgovora sam skapirao, jednom i zauvek, da nema šanse da bi ti ljudi – te nove generacije Prištinjana – ikada prihvatili vladavinu iz Beograda. Što bi oni sebi pustili da budu pod kontrolom jedne države koju su već ‘pobedili’ pre osam godina? Što bi oni pristali da budu državljani Srbije, kada ih je “svet” (tj S.A.D.) poslednjih osam godina uveravao da samo što nisu dobili svoju državu? Zašto bi? Ne bi. 

National identity

Nacionalni identitet

First of all, let it be noted that the simple, logical reason why I am opposed in principle to the creation of a state of Kosovo (though I am well aware that the horse that bolted on this issue has probably died of old age) is because I just can’t get my head around the idea that the international community really feels that the early 21st century – this period of global integration – is the right time to create a new sovereign nation state in Europe.

Za početak, nek se zna da jednostavan, logičan razlog što sam, u principu, protiv stvaranja nove države na teritoriji Kosova (bez obzira što sam dovoljno svestan da konj koji je pobegao na ovu temu je verovatno već umro od starosti) je zato što ne mogu da skapiram ideju da međunarodna zajednica stvarno misli da je prvi deo 21. veka – ovaj period globalne integracije – pravi trenutak da se stvori nova suverena država u Evropi. 

But, okay, if that’s the world’s plan then, god damn it let’s give these people a nation! I mean, I do feel sorry for the likes of the Kurds and the Chechens, who have no country to call their own, so let’s do the same for the …Albanians… Hang on a minute. These people aren’t like the homeless Kurds at all. They already have a country: it’s called Albania and it just happens to border the soon-to-be-country of Kosovo.

Ali, važi se, ako to je svetski plan, ‘ajde boga ti, da mi damo tim ljudima državu! Mislim, stvarno jeste meni žao tih naroda tipa Kurdi i Čečeni, koji nemaju svoju državu, pa ‘ajmo da uradimo baš to za … Albance... No, čekaj malo, ovi ljudi nisu uopšte kao beskućni Kurdi. Oni već imaju državu: zove se Albanija i slučajno se graniči sa (uskoro državom) Kosovom. 

And that’s what leaves the bad taste in my mouth. I mean, if these people were ethnically ‘Kosovars’, proud of their Kosovar roots and Kosovar history, I wouldn’t have such a problem with them gaining a country of their own. But they’re not. They’re proudly Albanian. The city’s monuments depict Albanian glory and Albanian history.

A to je to što je meni malo gadno. Mislim, da su ti ljudi etnički ‘Kosovari’, ponosni na svoje Kosovske korene i istoriju Kosova, ne bi imao toliki problem s’tim da će oni uskoro dobiti svoju državu. Ali nisu. Ponosni su u to što su Albanci. Gradski spomenici opisaju albansku čast i albansku istoriju. 

What I wonder is why the leaders of the world can’t just be honest and open and simply tell the Serbian nation, and the world’s public, that they are ultimately annexing a part of Serbia on to Albania (i.e. Albanians) because:

Pitam se zašto naši svetski lideri ne mogu samo da budu iskreni i otvoreni i da kažu srpskom narodu, i svetskoj javnosti, da će oni, na kraju, da prisvoje deo Srbije i poklone Albaniji (odnosno Albancima), jer: 

a) the Albanian majority refuses to accept rule from Belgrade (and has spent eight years getting used to not having to accept rule from Belgrade);

a.) Albanska većina odbija da pristane na vladu iz Beograda (i osam godina su se navikavali na to da ne moraju da pristanu na vladu iz Beograda); 

b) Serbia lost Kosovo (in 1999) as punishment for waging, and losing, several aggressive, unsuccessful wars in the region, and forcing half of the population of Kosovo to flee into refugee camps in neighbouring countries?

b.) Srbija je izgubila Kosovo (u 1999.) kao kaznu što je vodila, i izgubila, nekoliko agresivnih, neuspešnih ratova u regionu, i zato što je forsirala pola ljudi sa Kosova da izbegnu u kampove za izbeglice u okolini? 

The Serbs’ Choice: continuity & compromise or heavenly death 

Srpska odluka: kontinuitet i kompromis ili rajska smrt 

If we consider that 80% of statistics are made up on the spot, it is worth bearing in mind that around 70% of goods in Kosovo are imported from or via Serbia.

Ako smatramo da 80% statistike su izmišljeni na tren, vredi se da uzmemo u obzir da nešto oko 70 odsto sva roba na Kosova su bili uvezili iz ili preko Srbije. 

Whilst in Priština, I was told that Kosovo was almost out of bread because of Serbia’s grain embargo. However, I was assured by an anonymous PISG source, “nobody is talking about that. Not the media, not the politicians, not the people.” Obviously, the Kosovo-Albanian leadership don’t want the people of Kosovo to realise just how economically dependent they are on Serbia.

Dok sam bio u Prištini, bilo mi je rečeno da je Kosovo maltene bez hleba zbog zabrane na izvoz žitarica iz Srbija. Međutim, uverio me je jedan anonimni izvor iz lokalne samouprave, “niko o tome ne priča. Ni mediji, ne političari, ni narod.” Očigledno, Kosovsko-albanski lideri ne žele da ljudi na Kosovu shvate koliko su ekonomsko zavisni od Srbije. 

It occurs to me, then, that if Serbia’s leaders really, really wanted to show the people of Kosovo what life without them would be like, then they’d simply close the borders, halt all trade and shut the province off from Serbia; build a wall and forget about it.

Pade mi na pamet, onda, da ako lideri Srbije stvarno, stvarno hoće da pokažu ljudima na Kosovu kako bi bio život bez njih, mogli bi prosto da zatvore granice, zaustave svu trgovinu, i zatvore pokrajinu od strane Srbije; sagrade zid i zaborave na to.  

But they can’t do that, of course, because that would get them into serious trouble with Brussels and Washington – who Serbia is busy courting on the other side.

Ali ne mogu oni to da urade, naravno, jer bi bili u velikoj nevolji sa Briselom i Vašingtonom – koje Srbija trenutno vredno muva na drugoj strani. 

As such, and to finally conclude, I am of the opinion that either:

Zato, i da konačno opišem završetak, moje mišljenje je da ili: 

A.) Serbia needs to stop whinging, take its medicine, and get fast-track integrated into the EU and NATO without further ado, considering that the country already has (and has had for many a year) much better EU membership credentials than several existing EU countries.

A.) Srbija treba da prestane da kuka, da popije lek, i da stane na “brzu-traku” ka integraciji u EU i NATO bez više galame, smatrajući da ova država već ima (i imala je već dosta godina) značajno bolje akreditive da budi član EU nego nekoliko več-postojećih EU države. 

orili 

B.) Serbia needs to direct all efforts towards winning hearts & minds and saving Kosovo, with a massive image enhancement (i.e. propaganda) campaign in the province, unilateral sanctions against the province’s intolerant Albanian leadership (in order to starve them out) etc. etc. If Serbia does this, she might just one day save Kosovo, possibly. However, the first thing she would certainly have to do would be to kiss a sweet goodbye to Euro-Atlantic integration, stop courting Brussels instantaneously and start flirting, heavily and wholeheartedly, with Moscow, Beijing or maybe Tehran;

B.) Srbija treba da koncentriše svu svoju snagu ka osvajanju ‘srca i umova’ i spašavanju Kosova, uz ogromnu kampanju za poboljšanje imidža (tj. propagandu) u pokrajini, uspostavljanju jednostranih sankcija protiv netolerantnih albanskih vladara (kako bi ih naterali na predaju zbog glad), itd, itd. Ako Srbija ovo uradi, možda će jednog dana spasiti Kosovo, moguće je. Međutim, prva stvar koju bi Srbija sigurno morala da uradi je da da slatki oproštajni poljubac evro-atlantiskoj integraciji, da trenutno prestane da muva Brisel i da počne da flertuje, snažno i iskreno, sa Moskvom, Pekingom ili možda Teheranom; 

orili 

C.) Serbia’s needs to ignore the Kosovo issue for now (Maarti who?). If it gains independence, ignore that status. Ignore any requests to sign or recognise anything relating to Kosovo, and simply concentrate all efforts on increasing greenfield investment and average salaries in Serbia, reforming Serbia to the point where legal and market standards prove irresistible to investors, and the people of Serbia are living better and looking forward with optimism. But do this RIGHT NOW, because otherwise Vojislav Skywalker, aka Darth Šešelj, might just come back from The Hague as a victor against the evil Carla and take power on a wave of misguided pride. And when he does, I’m off to Kazakhstan.

C.) Srbija treba da zaboravi pitanje Kosovo za sada (Marti ko?). Ako dobije nazavisnost, neka ignoriše taj status. Neka ignoriše bilo koji zahtev vezan za nezavistnost Kosova i neka jednostavno skoncentriše svu snagu na povećanje ‘grinfild’ investicija i prosečne plate u Srbiji, na sproveđenje reformi kako bi Srbija dostigla nivo pravnih i tržišnih standarda neodoljivih za investitore, i kako bi srpski narod živeo bolje i optimističnije gledao ka budućnosti. Ali neka uradi to ODMAH, jer inače Vojislav Skywalker, aka Darth Šešelj, će se možda da vratiti iz Haga, kao pobednik protiv te zle Karle, i oduzeti vlast na talasu obmanutog ponosa. A kada se to desi, palim ja za Kazakhstan.