Žižek: Humanitarizam je laž!

Dušan Maljković RSS / 05.03.2008. u 04:46

zizekche.jpg„Podrška siromašnima i humanitarna pomoć nisu više izrazi lične osobenosti, već ključni sastojak globalne političke igre: u „savesnoj" uceni gigantskih razmera razvijene zemlje stalno pomažu nerazvijene (bespovratna pomoć, krediti, itd), zamagljujući tako saučešće i deo odgovornosti za bednu situaciju u kojoj se te zemlje nalaze. Stoga, kada smo bombardovani srceparajućim vestima o otpisu dugova ili velikim humanitarnim kampanjama za zaustavljanje epidemija, samo malo savijte razglednicu i videćete ispod toga opsceni pornografski prizor."

*** 

 

U prethodnom blogu predstavili smo slovenačkog filozofa Slavoja Žižeka i njegov stav u vezi sa Kosovom (link!). Nastavljamo tekstom (u većem delu objavljen u nedeljniku NIN, 7. 2. 2008) koji se bavi preispitivanjem politike humanitarne pomoći, slobode izbora i kritikom tzv. subverzivnih praksi.

Povod za mali serijal koji će se nastaviti u ovom mesecu jeste skoro gostovanje Žižeka u Beogradu, posle više od deset godina.

No, pre toga, sledi insert iz skorašnjeg gostovanja na HRT-u, u emisiji Nedjeljom u dva, gde su načeta neka od pitanja kojima se u tekstu slovenački filozof podrobnije bavi.

 

Naša uvažena prijateljica Sloboda razotkriva se kao čista laž

(by Slavoj Žižek)

Šezdesetih i sedamdesetih godina bilo je moguće kupiti „meku" pornografsku razglednicu devojke odevene u bikini ili haljinu; ali, kada biste samo malo savili razglednicu ili biste je pogedali iz drugog ugla, odeća bi magično nestajala i mogli ste da vidite golo telo. Ovo je paralaksa u pravom smilu te reči: očigledna promena na objektu izazvana promenom pozicije posmatrača koja onda omogućava da ga vidite u drugom svetlu. Možda nam je potreban otklon sličan paralaksi da bismo se uhvatili u koštac sa političkim i ideološkim rebusima današnjice.

U amiškim zajednicama postoji običaj rumspringa (od nemačkog henunspringen, skakati unaokolo): u svojoj sedamnaestoj godini, deci Amiša (do tada podvrgnutoj strogoj porodičnoj disciplini) dozvoljava se da izađu i iskuse svet oko sebe - vožnju kolima, pop-muziku, televiziju, pijanke, droge i seks. Nakon nekoliko godina od njih se očekuje da odluče da li će postati članovi amiške zajednice ili će je napustiti i postati obični građani Severne Amerike. Daleko do toga da ovaj običaj mladima dozvoljava zaista slobodan izbor, pružajući šansu da se odluka donese na osnovu potpunog poznavanja i iskustva obe strane - takva praksa predstavlja manipulaciju u najbrutalnijem vidu. To je lažan izbor, ako je izbora uopšte i bilo. Kada, nakon dugog niza godina discipline i maštanja o zabranjenim, ilegalnim zadovoljstvima spoljnog sveta, amiški adolescenti bivaju iznenada bačeni u njega bez prethodne pripreme, oni ne mogu da urade ništa drugo do da se prepuste ekstremnom prestupničkom ponašanju u želi da sve to iskuse, i odaju se potpuno seksu, drogama i alkoholu. Kako im nedostaju bilo kakva ograničenja i ranija slična iskustva, takva permisivna situacija neminovno im eksplodira u lice i stvara nepodnošljivu paniku. Lako je opkladiti se na to da će se za nekoliko godina vratiti u izolovanost svoje zajednice. Nije ni čudo da 90% amiške dece upravo tako i postupi.

Ovo je izvanredna ilustracija teškoća koje prate ideju „sobodnog izbora": dok amiški adolescenti formalno gledano imaju izbora, uslovi u kojima se nalaze dok donose odluke čine te izbore neslobodnim. Da bi zaista imali slobodu izbora, trebalo bi da budu objektivno informisani o svim alternativama. Ali jedini način da se ovo izvede bio bi da se istrgnu iz okvira amiške zajednicu, tj. da se pretvore u Angloamerikance.

Primer jasno pokazuje granice uobičajenog liberalnog odnosa prema muslimankama koje nose veo - one mogu da ga nose ako je to njihov slobodan, a ne izbor nametnut od strane njihovih muževa ili porodica. Međutim, kada žena stavi veo kao rezultat njenog slobodnog izbora (recimo iz verskih razloga), smisao nošenja vela menja se u potpunosti: to više nije znak pripadanja muslimanskoj zajednici, već izraz njihove specifične individualnosti. Slično tome, postoji razlika između kineskog seljaka koji jede kinesku hranu jer je to njegovo selo radilo još od pamtiveka i građana/ki zapadnih megalopolisa koji donose odluku da večeraju u kineskom restoranu. Navedeni primeri pokazuju da je izbor uvek meta-izbor, izbor između stvarnih izbora: samo žene koje biraju da ne nose veo zaista prave izbor.  

Zbog toga, u našim sekularnim društvima izbora, ljudi koji pridaju velik značaj sopstvenoj verskoj pripadnosti bivaju u podređenom položaju: kada im je omogućeno da upražnjavaju svoje običaje, oni bivaju tolerisani kao lični izbor svojstven njima samima; kada svoja uverenja javno iskažu kao nešto što ih suštinski određuje, tada bivaju optuženi za „fundamentalizam".

To znači da „subjekat slobodnog izbora" (u zapadnom, tolerantnom, multikulturnom smislu) može da se pojavi jedino kao rezultat izuzetno nasilnog procesa izmeštanja iz sopstvenog sveta, odsecanja korena.

zizek.jpgNije li ovo način na koji akademska sloboda funkcioniše? Ništa nije poželjnije za pravilnu integraciju u hegemoniju ideološko-političke zajednice od „radikalne" prošlosti, u kojoj smo iživeli sve svoje najluđe snove. Poslednji primeri toga su današnji američki neokonzervativci, koji su u iznenađujuće velikom broju bili trockisti u mladosti. Da li su slavni šezdesetosmaški protesti u Parizu bili samo kolektivni rumspring koji je, dugoročno gledano, doprineo održivosti sistema?

Kao odgovor na poziv da se preduzmu skromne akcije lokalnog tipa protiv neokonzervativaca u iskušenju smo da prizovemo provokativnu tezu francuskog filozofa Alena Badjua: „Bolje je ne činiti ništa, nego doprinositi proizvodnji akcija pro forme koje treba da učine vidljivim ono što Imperija već prepoznaje kao postojeće".

Bolje je ne činiti ništa nego se upuštati u izolovane aktivnosti čija je konačna svrha da čien da sistem bolje radi. Pretnja danas nije pasivnost, već pre pseudo-aktivnost, zahtev da se „bude aktivan", da se „učestvuje", da bi se maskiralo to da se zapravo ništa ne dešava. Ljudi svakodnevno čine napor da „nešto rade" - akademski građani učestvuju u besmislenim debatama, itd, ali se prava teškoća nalazi u povlačenju, u napuštanju svega toga. Vlast često više voli kritički odnos od tišine - uvlačeći nas u dijalog, ona slama naš preteću pasivnost.

Ovo nas dovodi nazad do paralakse: sve što nam treba jeste mali pomak u odnosu na dosadašnju perspektivu, kao i shvatanje da zasipanje vlasti nemogućim subverzivnim zahtevima (ekološkim, feminističkim, antirasističkim, antiglobalističkim...) služi samo da bi se mašina moći i nadalje održavala. Ako samo malo promenimo ugao gledanja, pravna regulativa koja određuje naše obaveze i garantuje naša prava može  se videti i kao izraz nemilosrdne moći, koja nama, njenim podanicima (subjektima), poručuje: „Mogu s tobom da činim šta mi je volja".

Kafka je svakako bio genije ovog paralaktičkog otklona kada je u pitanju mašinerija pravne moći. On donosi čudan, nevin pogled na strukturu prava i izvodi paralaktičko skretanje koje razotkriva gigantsku mašineriju opscenog užitka u onome što se prethodno doimalo kao uzvišena građevina pravnog poretka.

Najbolji primer za strukturu paralakse jeste laksativ sa ukusom čokolade u SAD koji se reklamira paradoskalnom zapovešću: „Imate zatvor? Jedite više ovu čokolade!", drugim rečima, jedite više onog što prouzrokuje zatvor. Struktura ovog čokoladnog laksativa, proizvoda koji sadrži agens sopstvenog izbacivanja, može se naći u svakom delu današnjeg ideološkog „predela"; to je ono što čini Džordža Soroša tako etički neprihvatljivim. On istovremeno predstavlja najnemilosrdniju eksploataciju u domenu berzanskih špekulacija, ali i humanitarne napore usmerene protiv katastrofalnih socijalnih posledica laissez-faire kapitalizma. Soroševa dnevna rutina je laž sama: prvu polovinu radnog vremena provodi u berzanskim špekulacijama, a drugu u humanitarnim aktivnostima (finansirajući kulturne i demokratske aktivnosti u postkominističkim zemljama, objavljivanje  eseja i knjiga) koje bi, u krajnoj liniji, trebalo da smanje efekte prve polovine radnog dana. Isti onaj Soroš koji daje milione na projekte koji treba da potpomognu razvoj tolerancije možda je uništio živote sopstvenim berzanskim špekulacijama i tako stvorio uslove za nastanak netolerancije protiv koje se bori. Uzmite u obzir i dvoličnost Bila Gejtsa: zagriženi biznismen, koji kupuje vlastitu konkurenciju u želji da ostvari monopol, koristeći sve trikove koji doprinose tom cilju... istovremeno je i najveći filantrop u istoriji koji bljuje fraze kao što su: „Kakva je vajda od računara ako ljudi nemaju šta da jedu i ako umiru od dizenterije?"

Podrška siromašnima i humanitarna pomoć nisu više izrazi lične osobenosti, već ključni sastojak globalne političke igre: u „savesnoj" uceni gigantskih razmera razvijene zemlje stalno pomažu nerazvijene (bespovratna pomoć, krediti, itd), zamagljujući tako saučešće i deo odgovornosti za bednu situaciju u kojoj se te zemlje nalaze. Stoga, kada smo bombardovani srceparajućim vestima o otpisu dugova ili velikim humanitarnim kampanjama za zaustavljanje epidemija, samo malo savijte razglednicu i videćete ispod toga opsceni pornografski prizor.



Komentari (365)

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umberto umberto 13:50 05.03.2008

Re: polako, ljudi

ako je odabrao lose & glupe primere

a zasto je odabrao glue i lose primere?
zurio negde? nije imao knjigu na nahtkasni dok je u krevetu smisljao novu vragoliju?
Dejaldinjo Dejaldinjo 14:19 05.03.2008

Re: polako, ljudi

Objasni mi samo kako bi francuskom seljaku bilo bolje ako bi mu oborio cijenu toga što prodaje skidanjem carinskih i svih drugih barijera? Time što bi njegovi gradski sunarodnici kupovali jeftinije?
Umjesto da sjedi u Provansi predveče i pijucka vino, morao bi da proda zemlju nekom njihovom Kostiću, Miškoviću ili kome već, i da nadniči po dvanaest sati dnevno u nekoj umobolnoj banci ili fabrici Renoa.
Možda bi ga tad utješilo u onih pola sata dnevno koje mili poslodavci daju da se zadovolje potrebe za hranom, vazduhom i svjetlom što mlijeko može da plati znatno jeftinije od onog koje je on prodavao.
Možda bi tad shvatio koncept liberalne ekonomije i osjetio bi se dobro, baš dobro.
Brooklyn Brooklyn 14:25 05.03.2008

Re: polako, ljudi

da, i ja bih da sedim u provansi i pijuckam vino, umesto sto mlatim tu po nekim bankama i hedge fondovima po ceo dan. mislim da je jedino pravedno (i humano) da ti subvencioniras moj zeljeni lifestyle.

pa, naravno da francuskom seljaku ne bi bilo bolje!! zato se i udruzuju u lobije. ali je na stetu svih ostalih, koji subvencioniraju njihovu neproduktivnu delatnost.
Dejan Stanković Dejan Stanković 14:27 05.03.2008

Re: polako, ljudi

aj nemoj o evropskim (a posebno francuskim) seljacima, oni su besni i razmazeni. i zahtevni.
seljacki je lebac sa sedam kora i veze nema sa pijuckanjem vina. i mnogo je tezi od rada u banci.
Doctor Wu Doctor Wu 14:32 05.03.2008

Re: polako, ljudi

a ja sam izuzetno zahvalna razvijenom japanu sto nam je dao autobuse i nastavlja da daje medicinsku opremu i novce... sad se lakse krecem kroz grad i kupovina markice ima smisla.

...i sredilo, pretpostavljam, prilike u srpskom zdravstvu, tako da sad ne treba ni za zdravlje previse da brinete. da, upravo sam na to mislio, :).
Brooklyn Brooklyn 14:41 05.03.2008

Re: polako, ljudi

...i sredilo, pretpostavljam, prilike u srpskom zdravstvu, tako da sad ne treba ni za zdravlje previse da brinete. da, upravo sam na to mislio, :).


kako moze neki japanski fond da "sredi" (privatizuje) srpsko zdravstvo? sta se glupiras?
umberto umberto 16:22 05.03.2008

Re: polako, ljudi

i mene svi mrze sto sam Srbin.


Reci nam, momce, kako je biti Srbin?
Brooklyn Brooklyn 16:27 05.03.2008

Re: polako, ljudi

Reci nam, momce, kako je biti Srbin?


svi te mrze.
umberto umberto 16:56 05.03.2008

Re: polako, ljudi

brooklyn, nabavi si psa. i sve ce biti bolje.

pitanje i nije bilo upuceno tebi vec mladicu koga svi mrze ni krivog ni duznog.
srpstvo je infektivna bolest. mrze te cak i ako nisi srbin ali si imao nesrecu da se rodis u srbiji.
ako se dobro secam madjari su na referendumu odbili da svojim sunarodnicima iz vojvodine daju drzavljanstvo. potresno.
pufna pufna 17:58 05.03.2008

Re: polako, ljudi-@brook

pa, naravno da francuskom seljaku ne bi bilo bolje!! zato se i udruzuju u lobije. ali je na stetu svih ostalih, koji subvencioniraju njihovu neproduktivnu delatnost.

potpuno si u pravu. Najsmesnije je od svega sto su bili strasno ponosni na to sto nisu izglasali evropski ustav, a sami koriste preko 60% subvencija na poljoprivredu u toj istoj Evropi ciji ustav ne zele.
Francuzi u mnogocemu me podsecaju na Srbe. Samo sto smo mi jos plus na sve,mali narod ( a to nikako da shvatimo)
pufna pufna 18:00 05.03.2008

Re: polako, ljudi

Dr. WU...i sredilo, pretpostavljam, prilike u srpskom zdravstvu, tako da sad ne treba ni za zdravlje previse da brinete. da, upravo sam na to mislio, :).

kako moze neki japanski fond da "sredi" (privatizuje) srpsko zdravstvo? sta se glupiras?

Tibor Jóna Tibor Jóna 18:11 05.03.2008

Re: polako, ljudi

umberto


Reci nam, momce, kako je biti Srbin?


transcedentno!
umberto umberto 18:17 05.03.2008

Re: polako, ljudi

transcedentno!

delijo srpska,
kad te niko nista ne pita, raspises se bez milosti. A kad te covek pita za osecanja coveka kojem je sudbina uvalila pogresan pasos i koji se oseca boljim od onih oko sebe a za to nema dokaza, odgovoris jednom recju. i to prvom koja ti padne na pamet.
gagonja gagonja 18:35 05.03.2008

Re: polako, ljudi

pa, naravno da francuskom seljaku ne bi bilo bolje!! zato se i udruzuju u lobije. ali je na stetu svih ostalih, koji subvencioniraju njihovu neproduktivnu delatnost

mnogo mi ti mlatis....
po ceo dan na blogu :)
gagonja gagonja 18:39 05.03.2008

Re: polako, ljudi

umberto
brooklyn, nabavi si psa. i sve ce biti bolje.pitanje i nije bilo upuceno tebi vec mladicu koga svi mrze ni krivog ni duznog.srpstvo je infektivna bolest. mrze te cak i ako nisi srbin ali si imao nesrecu da se rodis u srbiji.ako se dobro secam madjari su na referendumu odbili da svojim sunarodnicima iz vojvodine daju drzavljanstvo. potresno.

pa ja bih se prvi promenio u gagonjosh, cevap zamenio ribljim cvarkom a umesto zveazda zvezda urlao ferencvaros
pa nisu ni oni mutavi....
jednom smo stigli do sent andree
Tibor Jóna Tibor Jóna 10:14 06.03.2008

Re: polako, ljudi

umberto
transcedentno!
delijo srpska,
kad te niko nista ne pita, raspises se bez milosti. A kad te covek pita za osecanja coveka kojem je sudbina uvalila pogresan pasos i koji se oseca boljim od onih oko sebe a za to nema dokaza, odgovoris jednom recju. i to prvom koja ti padne na pamet.


a. vidim da i vi volite da transcendirate... najpre svoj maternji jezik ...
b. molim da mi objasnite ko to treba da me pita za misljenje pre nego ga dam. wi? mi? ovi? oni?
i
c. nije sudbina nego Trijanon.
umberto umberto 13:20 06.03.2008

Re: polako, ljudi

Delijo srpska,

mislim da sam u tebi nasao odlicnog sagovornika. jedva cekam nastavak.
nisi mi odgovorio za onaj referendum ugarske nesolidarnosti sa manje srecnom bracom.

I izvini molim te zbog Trianona, nije bilo namerno.
Marko Ristic Marko Ristic 15:06 06.03.2008

Re: polako, ljudi

a ja sam izuzetno zahvalna razvijenom japanu sto nam je dao autobuse i nastavlja da daje medicinsku opremu i novce... sad se lakse krecem kroz grad i kupovina markice ima smisla.

vucko vucko 15:17 06.03.2008

Re: polako, ljudi

jel ovo ono "i oni su nas klali"? :)
nozika nozika 11:35 05.03.2008

Ipak,

jedno je sigurno: Zizek je jedan od kljucnih savremenih filozofa i jedan od najuvazenijih tumaca danasnjice a uz to je i veliki provokator i neko ko ume da zaintrigira onime sto i zeli da saopstai.
Jaril Jaril 12:53 05.03.2008

Ух, хм...

Не знам како бих критички пришао тексту. Много интересантних теза, а врло мало аргумената. Мислим да управо зато и дискусија пуца у разним правицма (Амиши, Гејтс...) уместо да се држи теме.

Овако у неким својим размишљањима изгледа ми да капитализам најбоље искоришћава природне ресурсе. У том искоришћавању долази и до нуспроизвода, највише у некапиталистичким земљама. А онда тај исти систем материјална добра које је стекао прелива на оне који су погођени тим системом (а најчешће њему не припадају). Ја ту не видим ништа лоше. Можда је то један кружни процес који и омогућава да капиталистички систем (овакав нама данас познат) опстане.

Чини ми се да текст све сувише своди на површинско (управо оно против чега говори), тј. да не залази у механизме и процесе који прате разгледницу.
Dejan Stanković Dejan Stanković 13:54 05.03.2008

citao, citao

pa odustao. Imam probleme sa koncentracijom.
sve mi se cini da se izlozena filozofija moze (unekoliko uprosteno) svesti na poslovicu pokojne tetke Filomene iz Moimente.
Ona je, posle tri rakijice, kad se rasprica, imala obicaj da rekne:
Ko ti kupuje carape, 'oce noge.

pametna zena bila ta tetka Filomena, rano oudovila pa celu maldost, da ne bi zivela od milostinje i davanja nogu svercovala kafu preko grane kod Franka. U dzakovima na ledjima. Jedina zena medju muskarcima. sve barabar. zato se valjda, prezauzeta prezivljavanjem tako lakonski izrazavala. Ko jos ima vremena da mrsomudi?
Ninoslav Randjelovic Ninoslav Randjelovic 13:56 05.03.2008

Re: citao, citao

Ko ti kupuje carape, 'oce noge.

Osim ako ti je neki rod il' pomozi Bog !
Milica Tomić Milica Tomić 18:09 05.03.2008

Re: citao, citao

Dejan Stanković
pa odustao. Imam probleme sa koncentracijom.
sve mi se cini da se izlozena filozofija moze (unekoliko uprosteno) svesti na poslovicu pokojne tetke Filomene iz Moimente.
Ona je, posle tri rakijice, kad se rasprica, imala obicaj da rekne:
Ko ti kupuje carape, 'oce noge.

pametna zena bila ta tetka Filomena, rano oudovila pa celu maldost, da ne bi zivela od milostinje i davanja nogu svercovala kafu preko grane kod Franka. U dzakovima na ledjima. Jedina zena medju muskarcima. sve barabar. zato se valjda, prezauzeta prezivljavanjem tako lakonski izrazavala. Ko jos ima vremena da mrsomudi?


koliko vidim ti imas vremena na pretek!
Nebojsa Jovanovic Nebojsa Jovanovic 16:07 06.03.2008

Re: citao, citao

Dejan Stanković
pa odustao. Imam probleme sa koncentracijom. sve mi se cini da se izlozena filozofija moze (unekoliko uprosteno) svesti na poslovicu pokojne tetke Filomene iz Moimente.


Ne dajte se dekoncentrirati. Ima Zizeka ko da prevede i na taj portugalski...
Dexter Dexter 14:17 05.03.2008

re:Žižek: Humanitarizam je laž!

Teza da neke zapadne zemlje podrzavaju diktature u nekim zemljama je mozda tacna, ali to se pre svega odnosi na zemlje bogate naftom ili drugim resursima.
Nema niceg loseg i tome ako B.Gates pokloni milijarde najsiromasnioj deci sveta, cak iako je do novca dosao zahvaljujuci monopolskom polozaju. Pranje savesti?Mozda, ali i dokaz da je barem poseduje za razliku od mnogih koji "eksploatisu" druge ali im ne pada na pamet da nuvac plasiraju u humanitrne akcije (naci cete u Srbiji mnostvo primera)
Da li je svojevrsni humanizam i kada pola Srbije (sveta?) koristi windows od par stotina eura za dz?
Da li znate da Microsoft ulaze 6milijardi usd svake godine u razvoj softvera, pri cemu su neki delovi tog softvera besplatni, a razvoj jelte kosta. (npr. razvojna okruzenja poput Visual Studio-a imaju freeware verzije).

Marko Ristic Marko Ristic 14:26 05.03.2008

Re: re:Žižek: Humanitarizam je laž!

Da li znate da Microsoft ulaze 6milijardi usd svake godine u razvoj softvera, pri cemu su neki delovi tog softvera besplatni, a razvoj jelte kosta. (npr. razvojna okruzenja poput Visual Studio-a imaju freeware verzije).


Dakle, Vi hocete da kazete da je B. Gates taj kome je potrebna (humanitarna) pomoc!?!?
Marko Ristic Marko Ristic 14:32 05.03.2008

Re: re:Žižek: Humanitarizam je laž!

Dakle, Vi hocete da kazete da je B. Gates taj kome je potrebna (humanitarna) pomoc!?!?

Dexter Dexter 14:56 05.03.2008

Re: re:Žižek: Humanitarizam je laž!

Dakle, Vi hocete da kazete da je B. Gates taj kome je potrebna (humanitarna) pomoc!?!?


Da, bas sam to hteo da kazem.

Poredjenje izmedju B.Gates-a i Superhika bas i ne stoji.
Da ste rekli Mladjan Dinkic = Superhik pa i da Vam poverujem...
Marko Ristic Marko Ristic 15:02 05.03.2008

Re: re:Žižek: Humanitarizam je laž!

Da, bas sam to hteo da kazem.

Poredjenje izmedju B.Gates-a i Superhika bas i ne stoji.
Da ste rekli Mladjan Dinkic = Superhik pa i da Vam poverujem...


Niste me razumeli, nisam poredio B. Gatesa sa Superhikom. Ja sam Vas, Dextera, uporedio sa Superhikom.
Nebojša Milikić Nebojša Milikić 15:13 05.03.2008

Re: re:Žižek: Humanitarizam je laž!

Marko Ristic
Da, bas sam to hteo da kazem.

Poredjenje izmedju B.Gates-a i Superhika bas i ne stoji.
Da ste rekli Mladjan Dinkic = Superhik pa i da Vam poverujem...

Niste me razumeli, nisam poredio B. Gatesa sa Superhikom. Ja sam Vas, Dextera, uporedio sa Superhikom.


Da, Dextere, vi bas ko Superhik, a B. Gates je mozda paralaksa Superhika - otima zajednicko da bi delio privatno


Da li znate da Microsoft ulaze 6milijardi usd svake godine u razvoj softvera, pri cemu su neki delovi tog softvera besplatni, a razvoj jelte kosta. (npr. razvojna okruzenja poput Visual Studio-a imaju freeware verzije).


naravno da razvoj kosta kad Microsoft treba da plati sve one kazne koje mu stizu zbog kradje patenata... a te freeware verzije, to je kod Gates-a kao kod dilera droge: navadi pa vladaj...



Dexter Dexter 15:16 05.03.2008

Re: re:Žižek: Humanitarizam je laž!


Niste me razumeli, nisam poredio B. Gatesa sa Superhikom. Ja sam Vas, Dextera, uporedio sa Superhikom.


Da, posto sam ja mocnik Vase poredjenje svakako ima smisla.
Marko Ristic Marko Ristic 15:21 05.03.2008

Re: re:Žižek: Humanitarizam je laž!

a, posto sam ja mocnik Vase poredjenje svakako ima smisla.


Ne znam koliko ste mocni, ali cinjenica je da, bas kao i Superhik, radite za mocnike....
Dexter Dexter 15:28 05.03.2008

Re: re:Žižek: Humanitarizam je laž!


Da, Dextere, vi bas ko Superhik, a B. Gates je mozda paralaksa Superhika - otima zajednicko da bi delio privatno

Ovome treba pojasnjenje, sta je to zajednicko sto Microsoft/Bill Gates "otima"?



naravno da razvoj kosta kad Microsoft treba da plati sve one kazne koje mu stizu zbog kradje patenata... a te freeware verzije, to je kod Gates-a kao kod dilera droge: navadi pa vladaj...


Nisam bas siguran da MS placa kazne zbog kradje patenata, mislim da su u pitanju odluke evropske komisije o kazni zbog netrensparentnosti nekih delova softvera, nacina skladistenja podataka itd.
Sto se "navlacenja" tice to rade svi. Milion kompanija Vam nudi freeware sa trial periodom , milioni web sajtova Vam daju nesto za dz u nameri da promovisu svoj proizvod/uslugu pa ih niko ne osudjuje zbog toga. To je sasvim legitimno sredstvo promocije.
Na kraju niko Vas ne prisiljava da koristite MS softwer, ima i drugih resenja pa izvolite.
Dexter Dexter 15:32 05.03.2008

Re: re:Žižek: Humanitarizam je laž!

Ne znam koliko ste mocni, ali cinjenica je da, bas kao i Superhik, radite za mocnike....

U najboljem slucaju volontiram za mocnike :)
Ne, samo pokusavam da iznesem i druge aspekte price o Majkrosoftu jer me nervira nekriticka pljuvacina po nekome samo zato sto je bogat pa mu se eto moze da, ako hoce i pokloni svoje milijarde
Marko Ristic Marko Ristic 15:38 05.03.2008

Re: re:Žižek: Humanitarizam je laž!

jer me nervira nekriticka pljuvacina po nekome samo zato sto je bogat


Vi ste, Dexter, moj novi heroj. Zaista je potrebno hrabrosti (i postenja) da bi se stalo na stranu najmocnijih.
Nebojša Milikić Nebojša Milikić 15:38 05.03.2008

Re: re:Žižek: Humanitarizam je laž!

Dexter

Da, Dextere, vi bas ko Superhik, a B. Gates je mozda paralaksa Superhika - otima zajednicko da bi delio privatno
Ovome treba pojasnjenje, sta je to zajednicko sto Microsoft/Bill Gates "otima"?


nista narocito, samo znanje hiljada i hiljada matematicara i kiberneticara koji su ugradjeni u "njegove proizvode"... i koji ga, nevaljalci, tuze za to sto radi, pa je Microsoft jedne od proslih godina bio najtuzenija a bogami i najutuzenija kompanija za kradju patenata u Evropi...


naravno da razvoj kosta kad Microsoft treba da plati sve one kazne koje mu stizu zbog kradje patenata... a te freeware verzije, to je kod Gates-a kao kod dilera droge: navadi pa vladaj...

Nisam bas siguran da MS placa kazne zbog kradje patenata, mislim da su u pitanju odluke evropske komisije o kazni zbog netrensparentnosti nekih delova softvera, nacina skladistenja podataka itd.


ma hajdete... a zasto su ti delovi softwera netransparentni a podaci nepropisno uskladisteni Dexterhice?



Sto se "navlacenja" tice to rade svi. Milion kompanija Vam nudi freeware sa trial periodom , milioni web sajtova Vam daju nesto za dz u nameri da promovisu svoj proizvod/uslugu pa ih niko ne osudjuje zbog toga. To je sasvim legitimno sredstvo promocije.
Na kraju niko Vas ne prisiljava da koristite MS softwer, ima i drugih resenja pa izvolite.



Jel istina? A zasto onda nase vlade, jedna za drugom instaliraju Windows programe u osnovno i srednjeskolske i uostalom sve drzavne racunare?

Brooklyn Brooklyn 15:42 05.03.2008

Re: re:Žižek: Humanitarizam je laž!

nista narocito, samo znanje hiljada i hiljada matematicara i kiberneticara koji su ugradjeni u "njegove proizvode"


a bogami ugradjeni su ti matematicari i u MS profite. ni jedna kompanija nema vise milionera od MS.

uostalom, svi ti matematicari i kiberneticari razmenjuju svoje znanje za pare bas u MS jer tako zele, inace ne bi radili tamo nego negde drugde.
Dexter Dexter 15:51 05.03.2008

Re: re:Žižek: Humanitarizam je laž!

Jel istina? A zasto onda nase vlade, jedna za drugom instaliraju Windows programe u osnovno i srednjeskolske i uostalom sve drzavne racunare?


Odgovoricu Vam kontrapitanjem: Zasto je vise 90% operativnih sistema koji se koriste na racunarima u celom svetu upravo Windows?
Alternative ocigledno postoje ali ako se preko 90% ljudi odluci za Windows onda je to ipak neki promisljen izbor.
Marko Ristic Marko Ristic 15:52 05.03.2008

Re: re:Žižek: Humanitarizam je laž!

a bogami ugradjeni su ti matematicari i u MS profite. ni jedna kompanija nema vise milionera od MS.

uostalom, svi ti matematicari i kiberneticari razmenjuju svoje znanje za pare bas u MS jer tako zele, inace ne bi radili tamo nego negde drugde.


Pa ja sam lepo rekao da je B. Gatesu potrebna humanitarna pomoc. Ocigledno je da je B. Gates zrtva nemilosrdne eksploatacije, kako od strane svojih surovih radnika, tako i od strane miliona bezdusnih korisnika njegovih proizvoda.
Brooklyn Brooklyn 15:54 05.03.2008

Re: re:Žižek: Humanitarizam je laž!

Pa ja sam lepo rekao da je B. Gatesu potrebna humanitarna pomoc. Ocigledno je da je B. Gates zrtva nemilosrdne eksploatacije, kako od strane svojih surovih radnika, tako i od strane miliona bezdusnih korisnika njegovih proizvoda


iz cega je to ocigledno? ti si stvarno funkcionalno nepismen.
Nebojša Milikić Nebojša Milikić 15:56 05.03.2008

Re: re:Žižek: Humanitarizam je laž!

Brooklyn
nista narocito, samo znanje hiljada i hiljada matematicara i kiberneticara koji su ugradjeni u "njegove proizvode"

a bogami ugradjeni su ti matematicari i u MS profite. ni jedna kompanija nema vise milionera od MS.

uostalom, svi ti matematicari i kiberneticari razmenjuju svoje znanje za pare bas u MS jer tako zele, inace ne bi radili tamo nego negde drugde.


Brooklyn, malo koncentracije please... nisam ni pomenuo a kamoli ignorisao cinjenicu da matematicari rade i u MS i to za dobre pare... problem je sto MS prodaje kao njihovo i znanje drugih metematicara - koji nikad nisu i ne bi im plao na pamet da rade za pljackasku imperiju MS... i kao laik za racunarske tehnologije, mogu zlobno da pretpostavim da ti matematicari i danas uglavnom rade na prepakovanju zajednickih znanja i postignuca drugih a da se tragovi prepakovanja nalaze upravo tamo gde ih MS stidljivo krije od cangrizavih evropskih komisija - u netransparentnim delovima softwera i nepropisno uskladistenim podacima : )
Marko Ristic Marko Ristic 16:00 05.03.2008

Re: re:Žižek: Humanitarizam je laž!

iz cega je to ocigledno? ti si stvarno funkcionalno nepismen


Dexter, ja unapred prihvatam Vasu ocenu, ali Vas molim da mi objasnite sta to znaci "funkcionalno nepismen".

Zahvalan,
M. R.
Nebojša Milikić Nebojša Milikić 16:02 05.03.2008

Re: re:Žižek: Humanitarizam je laž!

Dexter
Jel istina? A zasto onda nase vlade, jedna za drugom instaliraju Windows programe u osnovno i srednjeskolske i uostalom sve drzavne racunare?

Odgovoricu Vam kontrapitanjem: Zasto je vise 90% operativnih sistema koji se koriste na racunarima u celom svetu upravo Windows?
Alternative ocigledno postoje ali ako se preko 90% ljudi odluci za Windows onda je to ipak neki promisljen izbor.



zato sto je Windows u svojim programima zarobio i preprodaje otprilike toliko (90%) zajednickog kulturnog i naucnog nasledja covecanstva iz oblasti racunarske tehnologije... kakav crni promisljen izbor, pa izbora uopste ni nema, pa zar ste vec zaboravili Zizekov tekst koji ste procitali... ko god pokusa da predje na Open source, a nije freak, vidi koliko se navukao na ''izbor''... jel vi znate onu Dextere: 2% of world population owns 98% of world resources... da li vam nesto smrdi iz te jednacine?
umberto umberto 16:03 05.03.2008

Brooklyn, okorela desnicarko,

Da li ti sada umesto da radis za gazdu koji te placa d amu stvaras profit gubis vreme ovde na blogu?
Imaju li moral i etika ikakve veze u Land of the Free?
Da li je ovo mesto u stvari skup luzera koji prodaju maglu?
Dexter Dexter 16:04 05.03.2008

Re: re:Žižek: Humanitarizam je laž!



nista narocito, samo znanje hiljada i hiljada matematicara i kiberneticara koji su ugradjeni u "njegove proizvode"... i koji ga, nevaljalci, tuze za to sto radi, pa je Microsoft jedne od proslih godina bio najtuzenija a bogami i najutuzenija kompanija za kradju patenata u Evropi...


Uh ovo je malo nejasno. Da li su to "mladi matematicari i kiberneticari" koji rade za MS ili im je MS ukrao neka softverska resenja pa oni sad traze svoja prava na sudu.
Sto se tice odluka evropske komisije sklon sam da poverujem da prica ima i politicku pozadinu i deo je trgovinskog rata koji vec duze vreme traje izmedju EU i SAD.
Dexter Dexter 16:16 05.03.2008

Re: re:Žižek: Humanitarizam je laž!



Dexter, ja unapred prihvatam Vasu ocenu, ali Vas molim da mi objasnite sta to znaci "funkcionalno nepismen".

Memam pojma , a i nisam to rekao :)


zato sto je Windows u svojim programima zarobio i preprodaje otprilike toliko (90%) zajednickog kulturnog i naucnog nasledja covecanstva iz oblasti racunarske tehnologije... kakav crni promisljen izbor, pa izbora uopste ni nema, pa zar ste vec zaboravili Zizekov tekst koji ste procitali... ko god pokusa da predje na Open source, a nije freak, vidi koliko se navukao na ''izbor''... jel vi znate onu Dextere: 2% of world population owns 98% of world resources... da li vam nesto smrdi iz te jednacine?


Open source je zvaka koja se koristi u nekim krugovima.Najcesce se radi o softveri koji ne pruza dovoljan broj funkcionalnosti, a dopune se placaju.
Nemam nista protiv open source-a kao sredstva za ucenje, ali je ocigledno da je nepraktican za svakodnevnu primenu.
Nebojša Milikić Nebojša Milikić 16:16 05.03.2008

Re: re:Žižek: Humanitarizam je laž!

Dexter


nista narocito, samo znanje hiljada i hiljada matematicara i kiberneticara koji su ugradjeni u "njegove proizvode"... i koji ga, nevaljalci, tuze za to sto radi, pa je Microsoft jedne od proslih godina bio najtuzenija a bogami i najutuzenija kompanija za kradju patenata u Evropi...

Uh ovo je malo nejasno. Da li su to "mladi matematicari i kiberneticari" koji rade za MS ili im je MS ukrao neka softverska resenja pa oni sad traze svoja prava na sudu.
Sto se tice odluka evropske komisije sklon sam da poverujem da prica ima i politicku pozadinu i deo je trgovinskog rata koji vec duze vreme traje izmedju EU i SAD.


uh Dexter, ja pretpostavljam da vam, kao i svakom Windows operativnom sistemu, radna memorija predstavlja podrucje nepotrebnog gomilanja podataka... dakle, restartujte se, pa ponovo procitajte moj komentar koji vam je malo nejasan... sto se tice vase sklonosti ka paranoji, ne mogu vam pomoci, ali zanimljivo je da vi B. Gejtsa vidite kao "Ameriku"...
Nebojša Milikić Nebojša Milikić 16:21 05.03.2008

Re: re:Žižek: Humanitarizam je laž!

Dexter


Open source je zvaka koja se koristi u nekim krugovima.Najcesce se radi o softveri koji ne pruza dovoljan broj funkcionalnosti, a dopune se placaju.
Nemam nista protiv open source-a kao sredstva za ucenje, ali je ocigledno da je nepraktican za svakodnevnu primenu.


Dexter, ovo su predrasude kojih se ne bi postideo ni Zoran Djindjic u svojim zvezdanim trenucima povratka sa hodocasca tj. poklonjenja Bilu Gejtsu... koristim open-source vec godinama, to je daleko pouzdaniji i funkcionalniji sistem od Windowsa, upravo zbog toga sto ne mora da zatvara kodove i opterecuje radnu memoriju glupostima... njegova neprakticnost se sastoji mozda iz poruke koju vam svaki dan salje: misli svojom glavom! Ti to mozes, ti to mozes...
Marko Ristic Marko Ristic 16:23 05.03.2008

Re: re:Žižek: Humanitarizam je laž!

Dexter,

Ponovo Vas pitam, sta je to "funkcionalna nepismenost"?

Da li sam funkcionalno nepismen zbog toga sto ne mogu da shvatim da li Vi, Dexter, zaista postojite ili ste samo lik iz stripa?
Marko Ristic Marko Ristic 16:26 05.03.2008

Re: re:Žižek: Humanitarizam je laž!

Dexter,

Ponovo Vas pitam, sta je to "funkcionalna nepismenost"?

Da li sam funkcionalno nepismen zbog toga sto ne mogu da shvatim da li Vi, Dexter, zaista postojite ili ste samo lik iz stripa?


Parafraziracu poznat Lakanov primer: da li ste Vi Dexter koji sanja da je Superhik ili ste Superhik koji sanja da je Dexter?
Dexter Dexter 16:38 05.03.2008

Re: re:Žižek: Humanitarizam je laž!

@Marko Ristic

Nisam to rekao("funkcionalno nepismen".U pitanju je drugi komentator.
Dexter Dexter 16:46 05.03.2008

Re: re:Žižek: Humanitarizam je laž!

Ne bih da ulazim u rasprave sta je bolje Windows ili Linux posto je prica izgleda krenula u tom smeru tim pre sto je to tema koja je raspravljana milion puta. Ne koristim Linux niti sam ga ikad koristio.
Ako zelite da verujete u Vas izbor, nemam nista protiv.
Koliko se secam Djindjic se nije "poklanjao" kako rekoste, pred Gejtsom vec pred drugim covekom kompanije Stivom Balmerom. Skoro sam siguran da mu tom prilikom nije dao nista nase dao upola cene za razliku od danasnjeg premijera.
Marko Ristic Marko Ristic 16:52 05.03.2008

Re: re:Žižek: Humanitarizam je laž!

The Real Truth About Child Labour
Nebojša Milikić Nebojša Milikić 17:07 05.03.2008

Re: re:Žižek: Humanitarizam je laž!

Dexter
Ne bih da ulazim u rasprave sta je bolje Windows ili Linux posto je prica izgleda krenula u tom smeru tim pre sto je to tema koja je raspravljana milion puta. Ne koristim Linux niti sam ga ikad koristio.
Ako zelite da verujete u Vas izbor, nemam nista protiv.
Koliko se secam Djindjic se nije "poklanjao" kako rekoste, pred Gejtsom vec pred drugim covekom kompanije Stivom Balmerom. Skoro sam siguran da mu tom prilikom nije dao nista nase dao upola cene za razliku od danasnjeg premijera.


au, zar pred drugim covekom, pa to je onda zaista jos tuznije : )
sta upola cene? pa koliko se ja secam, uradio je isto sto i Kostunica sa NIS-om ako na to ciljas... samo sto se to drugacije radi sa MS-promom, to je malo razvijenija imperija sto moze samo da znaci - jos gora... u MS-prom magistralnom infovodu ON TEBI daje u pola cene, kapiras? To ti je druga faza onog dilerskog aranzmana... prvo ti je, posto si mu pokazao respect, oprostio prvu fazu - to sto ti je davao programe besplatno (to su btw. oni programi radi cije je produkcije opljackao zajednicko i naravno besplatno znanje), a onda pocinje da ti naplacuje programe u pola cene - taman dok se cela nacija pardon, trziste, solidnije ne navuce...
pa posle te posete je nasa vlada (mozda jedina uz crnogorsku) uvela Windows sisteme gde god je mogla - izmedju ostalog i u skole...

vidi Dexter, za danas je gotova vecernja skola za Superhike... nisi pokazao napredak, nisi uspeo da odbranis obraz bogatih koji siromasni iz svoje pakosti hoce da ukaljaju... jel ti znas da su Superhiku onomad zamalo srusili spomenik kad je razocarao svoje sticenike milijardere? ajde potrudi se malo...
Dexter Dexter 17:17 05.03.2008

Re: re:Žižek: Humanitarizam je laž!


vidi Dexter, za danas je gotova vecernja skola za Superhike... nisi pokazao napredak, nisi uspeo da odbranis obraz bogatih koji siromasni iz svoje pakosti hoce da ukaljaju... jel ti znas da su Superhiku onomad zamalo srusili spomenik kad je razocarao svoje sticenike milijardere? ajde potrudi se malo..



Ovo je simpaticno i nasmejalo me je.

Gornji deo teksta je primer ostrascenog antiMS stava. Posto sam na "zamerke" koje prebacujete MS-u cini mi se vec ranije odgovorio i ja se za danas odjavljujem.

Prilogjidnjiceva poseta MS-u 2001.
www.vreme.com/cms/view.php?id=294184]
znikolic znikolic 17:33 05.03.2008

Re: re:Žižek: Humanitarizam je laž!

Sto se tice odluka evropske komisije sklon sam da poverujem da prica ima i politicku pozadinu i deo je trgovinskog rata koji vec duze vreme traje izmedju EU i SAD.


Upravo tako! EU presudjuje u sporu izmedju americkih kompanija
Milica Tomić Milica Tomić 18:20 05.03.2008

Re: re:Žižek: Humanitarizam je laž!

Marko Ristic
Dexter,

Ponovo Vas pitam, sta je to "funkcionalna nepismenost"?

Da li sam funkcionalno nepismen zbog toga sto ne mogu da shvatim da li Vi, Dexter, zaista postojite ili ste samo lik iz stripa?


Risticu, nije vam Dexter rekao da ste nepismeni, vec Brooklyn.
Marko Ristic Marko Ristic 18:25 05.03.2008

Re: re:Žižek: Humanitarizam je laž!

Risticu, nije vam Dexter rekao da ste nepismeni, vec Brooklyn.


Moguce, ali ovako nepismen nisam u stanju da razlikujem... Dexter... Brooklyn.... ili Superhik.... ne vidim razliku...
DeMarti DeMarti 17:02 06.03.2008

Re: re:Žižek: Humanitarizam je laž!

Open source je zvaka koja se koristi u nekim krugovima.Najcesce se radi o softveri koji ne pruza dovoljan broj funkcionalnosti, a dopune se placaju.
Nemam nista protiv open source-a kao sredstva za ucenje, ali je ocigledno da je nepraktican za svakodnevnu primenu.


Eclipse, NetBeans, Java.
Gresis, silno gresis
stephen dedalus stephen dedalus 16:01 05.03.2008

Ja bih se delimicno

slozio sa Zizekom, ali mislim da je u pitanju jedna malo kompleksnija manipulacija. Gradjanin u liberalnom kapitalizmu mozda jeste slobodan da bira, ali su mu izbori nametnuti. Propagandisti rade na kreiranju laznih potreba, bazirano na njihovom shvatanju onoga sto svako od nas podsvesno zeli. Uzmimo Gejtsa za primer i Vistu. POtreba za Vistom namece potrebu za boljim racunarom, bolji racunar izaziva dalje potrebe, ali te potrebe nisu bazirane na realnosti, vec su posledica izlozenosti informacijama koje imaju za cilj da kreiraju takve lazne potrebe. Amisi su u tom kontekstu dobar primer, jer njihovo odbijanje tehnologije pokazuje da su najveci deo nasih potreba u biti lazne, pa samim tim i nasi izbori nisu slobodni, vec nametnuti.
Liberalni kapitalizam operise ljudskim strahom od izolacije na isti nacin na koji je to cinio rigidni komunizam, s tim sto, za razliku od komunizma, gde je kaznu sprovodila drzava, u slucaju lib. kap. kaznu ekskomunikacije sprovodi sama zajednica, ako nismo u stanju da pratimo trziste.
Dexter Dexter 16:20 05.03.2008

Re: Ja bih se delimicno

Uzmimo Gejtsa za primer i Vistu. POtreba za Vistom namece potrebu za boljim racunarom, bolji racunar izaziva dalje potrebe, ali te potrebe nisu bazirane na realnosti, vec su posledica izlozenosti informacijama koje imaju za cilj da kreiraju takve lazne potrebe.


Da li su potrebe zaista lazne? Siguran sam da ne koristite MS DOS vec neku verziju windows-a.
Svaka nova verzija windows-a ide ukorak sa tehnologijom tj. hardverom, koji opet pruza nove mogucnosti itd...
Nebojša Milikić Nebojša Milikić 16:25 05.03.2008

Re: Ja bih se delimicno

Dexter
Uzmimo Gejtsa za primer i Vistu. POtreba za Vistom namece potrebu za boljim racunarom, bolji racunar izaziva dalje potrebe, ali te potrebe nisu bazirane na realnosti, vec su posledica izlozenosti informacijama koje imaju za cilj da kreiraju takve lazne potrebe.

Da li su potrebe zaista lazne? Siguran sam da ne koristite MS DOS vec neku verziju windows-a.
Svaka nova verzija windows-a ide ukorak sa tehnologijom tj. hardverom, koji opet pruza nove mogucnosti itd...


da ste pokusali ikad ista da saznate o vezi "novih" programa i "novih" kompjutera, shvatili biste da oni idu ukorak iskljucivo sa profitom... tako najnovije verzije programa ili racunara cesto ne sadrze ama bas nikakve inovacije i unapredjenja - osim onih u dizajnu i marketingu... zbog toga su takodje gubuli sudske sporove - zbog pokusaja da nateraju vlasnike sasvim pristojnih racunara da ih bace i zamene novim - podjednako pristojnim po nepodjednakoj novoj ceni od par stotina ili hiljada dolara...
stephen dedalus stephen dedalus 16:49 05.03.2008

Re: Ja bih se delimicno

Da li su potrebe zaista lazne? Siguran sam da ne koristite MS DOS vec neku verziju windows-a.
Svaka nova verzija windows-a ide ukorak sa tehnologijom tj. hardverom, koji opet pruza nove mogucnosti itd...


Ne koristim MS DOS, ali ne koristim ni MS SPS.
Sta mogu da uradim sa Vistom i novim racunarom sa XY GB RAM u kontekstu mojih potreba za internetom, Word-om i mozda jos par sitnica, a sto nisam mogao da uradim sa XP-ijem i starim racunarom?
Mozda tehnologija i nije najbolji primer posto ona gleda u buducnost mnogo vise nego sto sam ja u stanju.
Ali, u pitanju je komunikacija sa mojom psihom. Da li zelite da budete bolji, lepsi, brzi, uspesniji? Naravno, ali posto to nisam realno u stanju, barem mogu da se opskrbim produktima koji ce imate ove karakteristike, a od kojih cu ja pozajmiti auru.
Astrid Astrid 02:58 07.03.2008

Re: Ja bih se delimicno

Dexter
Da li su potrebe zaista lazne? Siguran sam da ne koristite MS DOS vec neku verziju windows-a.Svaka nova verzija windows-a ide ukorak sa tehnologijom tj. hardverom, koji opet pruza nove mogucnosti itd...


Upravo obrnuto. Nove verzije softvera donose vrlo mala poboljsanja u funkcionalnosti (ako uopste donesu, ima i takvih primera :)), vec samo poboljsan graficki interfejs, sto zahteva bolje/jace hardverske resurse. Naravno da je cilj iskljucivo profit.
Moglo bi se diskutovati da li je razvoj tehnologije, koji je samo deo ovog procesa vestackog ubrzavanja razvoja racunara, ipak koristan.

Ako si programer, pogledaj nasta lici kod koji si napr. pisao u Visual C++, kad gledas u asembleru. Koliko je tu mrtvog koda? Koliki deo koda se tice interfejsa (racunaj i linkovane dll-ove)? Koje je poboljsanje u odnosu na program u C-u? Pa, graficki interfejs.

Microsoft je pojeo sve softverske kompanije koje su napravile neki dobar proizvod i vecinu tih programa je upropastio! Ostali proizvodjaci moraju da se kod njih "sertifikuju" da bi softver mogao da radi na Visti! O rupama u OS da ne govorim. Itd, itd. mrzi me da pisem.

Za open source ti je, vidim, neko vec odgovorio.
Dawngreeter Dawngreeter 09:24 07.03.2008

Re: Ja bih se delimicno

Ko normalan koristi Vistu u opste? Vista je djubre. XP sa Service Pack 2 radi sasvim dobro, iako Microsoft ulaze neverovatne napore tome da stane na kraj. Tako sada vise ne mozete ni da kupite XP, notebook hardver ne dobija nove drajvere za XP (ne kupujte notebook s Radeon grafickim karticama), Microsoft nece da izbaci DirectX 10 za XP... al' uz sve to, Vista ide u pravcu u kojem je isao i Windows ME. A posto se toliko trude oko Viste, opasce i ukupna popularnost Windows operativnog sistema pa se mozemo nadati siroj zastupljenosti masina koje rade na Linux, BSD i MacOS.
vucko vucko 11:01 07.03.2008

Šoferska je tuga pregolema

Ko normalan koristi Vistu u opste? Vista je djubre. XP sa Service Pack 2 radi sasvim dobro, iako Microsoft ulaze neverovatne napore tome da stane na kraj. Tako sada vise ne mozete ni da kupite XP, notebook hardver ne dobija nove drajvere za XP (ne kupujte notebook s Radeon grafickim karticama), Microsoft nece da izbaci DirectX 10 za XP... al' uz sve to, Vista ide u pravcu u kojem je isao i Windows ME. A posto se toliko trude oko Viste, opasce i ukupna popularnost Windows operativnog sistema pa se mozemo nadati siroj zastupljenosti masina koje rade na Linux, BSD i MacOS.

Ja sam namerno koristio Win2K kada je bio XP i sada koristim XP iako je izašla Vista - ali je uglavnom to bilo zbog Oracle podrške. Čujem da se kolege zezaju da je jedna od glavnih osobina Viste - da ne radi štampa :)

Ali nisu te izmene u operativnom sistemu između tih major verzija baš samo GUI (iako se i dizajneri, jelte, iskažu - pa makar zbog tog "ovo je nešto novo". Ima dosta tih infrastrukturnih stvari koje uzimamo zdravo za gotovo - npr. pogledajte na šta je ličila podrška za wireless u Win2K a kako izgleda u XP.

Svakako se čini da je Microsoft u problemu sa razvojem operativnih sistema, tj. da su se prilično zaglavili. Čitao sam prošle godine jedan interesantan članak (eh da sam još sačuvao URL) koji primećuje trend da svaki novi operativni sistem zahteva duplo više vremena nego prethodni i da su od onog lean NT tima, tehnologije dnevnog bilda i svega onoga na čemu im se nekada moglo zavideti, došli u fazu gde je to ogromni konglomerat svega i svačega, sa vrlo sumnjivim procesom itd. Opet, što bi se reklo u vremena kad sam bio student, "softverska kriza" :)

A ovo za Eclipse/Java/(šta ono beše moderno ove godine od tehnologije) itd je apsolutno tačno, iako ima interesantnih trendova što se tiče samih razvojnih tehnologija - evo npr. ovaj članak mi "nanese voda" u ACM TechNews digest-u. (Izvinjenje za Dušana i Slavoja na trolu :) )
Dawngreeter Dawngreeter 13:44 07.03.2008

Re: Šoferska je tuga pregolema

Eclipse potpisujem, u krvi ako treba. Imao sam "nesrecu" da su mi na fakultetu odmah Eclipse stavili pod nos i od tada mi u opste nije jasno kako iko normalan zivi sa Microsoft visual Studio. Ono je apsolutna katastrofa. Nazalost, morao sam dva meseca dok sam radio diplomski rad da radim bas u Visual Studiu (i to ASP! Bljak!) i odgovorno tvrdim da bi dva meseca ubadanja sebe viljuskom u ruku bilo daleko prijatnije.

Mislim da je svojevrstan trijumf slobodnog softvera izrazen upravo u Eclipse okruzenju koje je nesumnjivo najbolje razvojno okruzenje na trzistu trenutno, za maltene svaku tehnologiju koja coveku mzoe pasti na pamet (and counting).

Inace, zanimljiv clanak mada bih rekao da stvari nisu bas toliko dramaticne. Scripting jezici postaj usve popularniji, to je tacno. Ali Java postaje sve snaznija kao 'base' jezik. Evo, ovde gde ja radim softver pisemo iskljucivo u Javi. Skoro se zavrsio neki sporedni projekat u PHP-u ali sve bitno ide preko Jave (a i kako pravis ozbiljnu aplikaciju koja podleze stateless web-like ogranicenju?). Na stranu sve ostalo, ali je strasno primamljivo pisati softver za koji znas da ce raditi na svakoj masini, od najogoljenijeg Linux-a do MacOS-a.
surabya johnny surabya johnny 17:02 05.03.2008

herumspringen

Tako se pravilno na nemackom pise "skakati naokolo".

inace, mnogi od komentara na ovaj vash unos, pokazuju pre svega koliko su srbi prgavi u neznanju i teflonski neprijemcljivi za odvazno mishljenje, koje ih valjda toliko nervira i plasi jer mu nisu dorasli.

never explain, never complain- jer to je, po svemu sudeci i bez daljnjeg, uzaludna rabota kada se radi o srbima.
umberto umberto 17:10 05.03.2008

Re: herumspringen

aj sad ti meni objasni kako verovati coveku koji ima onakvu spavacu sobu?
Marko Ristic Marko Ristic 17:13 05.03.2008

Re: herumspringen

Milica Tomić Milica Tomić 17:53 05.03.2008

Re: herumspringen

Marko Ristic


Marko Risticu, preporuka za video, a divim se i vasim tehnickim sposobnostima - unos slike, videa itd. :)
Marko Ristic Marko Ristic 17:59 05.03.2008

Re: herumspringen

Marko Risticu, preporuka za video, a divim se i vasim tehnickim sposobnostima - unos slike, videa itd.


Vidite, Milice, izgleda da sam se tehnicki opismenio, ali ostajem "funkcionalno nepismen"...
vucko vucko 22:48 05.03.2008

Psycho

Ono što je vrlo interesantno u ovom klipu je da Žižek izgovara samoglasnik "p" u reči "psychoanalysis".

Neverovatno mi je da se čovek time bavi, svetski poznat, uspešan, pristojno priča engleski (izuzimajući akcent, ali tu svako ima svoj, naravno); ovo predavanje drži, pretpostavljam, u nekoj univerzitetskoj sredini - a izgovara fundamentalnu reč pogrešno...

ima li neko nekakvo logično objašnjenje za ovo? Neki inat?
leto dijalektike leto dijalektike 09:26 06.03.2008

Menonitni kapitalizam


Od Amisa do Sorosa i nazad

Svakako da Zizekov primer amiske zajednice nije pogresan, s 'obzirom da se amiska zajednica, po uzoru na sveprisutni model podele, deli na konzervativni i liberalni deo ("modernizatorski" i tradicionalisticki) uskracujuci sebi time pravo na istinsku alternativu (imajuci u vidu da je "izbor" uvek u okviru vec postojeceg okvira, onog koji ukida svaki stvarni izbor). Zizekova analogija se, bice zato, odnosi na onaj deo amiske zajednice koji jednostavno drug Nsarski "ne poznaje" , koji mu izmacinje. Odgovarajuci primer bila bi i tradicionalna menonitska zajednica u Latinskoj Americi ( Meksiko, Bolivija) , tj. germanofonska, bela, protestantska manjina o cijem rumspringu je snimljeno nedavno nekoliko filmova (isti su se vrteli na nekoliko kablovskih kanala -pokusacu da pronadjem link). Film govori upravo o odlasku punoletnih menonitskih omladinca, dilizansom (kojom se prevozi ova zajednica) u grad pun prepreka ( povrh svega , eto nevolje, i obojenog, tj lokalnog stanovnistva!) , suocavanju sa svim izazovima modernog sveta ( sex, drugs & rock'n roll), bukvalnom visemesecnom opijanju ( svim i svacim) i u najcescem slucaju " ratsreznjenju", te pokajnickom povratku cednom svetu izolacije.

No, suistina Zizekove teze definitivno nije u delu o liberalnom krilu Amisa i Menonita koje upraznjava obredne procesije modernisticke integracije ( dok konzervativisticko krilo i dalje odbija da to cini) , vec u potenciranju na odsustvu pravog izbora u politickom okviru u kojem smo svi zatvoreni, bili Amisi ili ne.

Sorosova dilema na koju upucuje Zizek, "dilema" izmedju berzijanskog spekulanstva ( kojem je Soros posvetio najveci deo zivota) i nedavnog pokajanja ( Sorosova knjiga " Kriza svetskog kapîtalizma" u godini u kojoj je nominovan za nagradu " Najbolji kapitalista"...) navodi na zakljucak da svojim humanitarnim i filantropskim akcijanjem pokajnik Soros na neki nacin od brokera , dilizansom, stize pravo medju Menonite ( Amishe)- verujuci naivno da naspram bludnog (po)stoji cedni kapitalizam.

Odbaciti iluzije, zato je drugi naziv Zizekovog apela, apela koji upucuje na radikalno rastreznjenje : jedini izlaz iz ma kog fundamentalizma (kapitalizma) je ukidanje fundamentalizma samog .

Kako je rec o osnivacu liberalne partije Slovenije, reklo bi se da Slavoju. Z, valja verovati na rec. Odnosno informacije su iz prve ruke.
Marko Ristic Marko Ristic 10:20 06.03.2008

Re: Psycho

Psycho

Milica Tomić Milica Tomić 18:01 05.03.2008

Preporuka

za tekst i upornost i rad na promociji Zizeka na ovom blogu.

Tekst i video jesu malo bajati, ali ovde je sve NOVOST!

Prilazem rad ruske moskovske umetnicke grupe AES - "Help is Violence", s kraja devedesetih, kada je SOROS bio aktuelan i aktivan post-socijalistickim zemljama. Naravno ovaj rad se ne odnosi samo na SOROS:)
Dušan Maljković Dušan Maljković 19:43 05.03.2008

Re: Preporuka

I ja bih voleo da imamo malo recentnije stvari, ali radimo sa onim što nam je dostupno... Hvala u svakom slučaju.

Naslov ovog rada je izvanredan (i u skladu sa Žižekovom tezom), ali bih voelo da nam date još neke informacije za bolje razumevanje rada (ovaj crno-beli kontarast mi je zanimljiv, kao i beli pojas oko stomaka, ali nisam siguran da znam kako da ga interpretiram!) -- kako ga vi čitate?
umberto umberto 19:50 05.03.2008

Re: Preporuka

kako ga vi čitate?

Nemoj da bude nesto na brzinu, nemojte da se lenji da mislite.
Slutim odlicnu zabavu.
Milica Tomić Milica Tomić 20:53 05.03.2008

Re: Preporuka

Dušan Maljković
I ja bih voleo da imamo malo recentnije stvari, ali radimo sa onim što nam je dostupno... Hvala u svakom slučaju.

Naslov ovog rada je izvanredan (i u skladu sa Žižekovom tezom), ali bih voelo da nam date još neke informacije za bolje razumevanje rada (ovaj crno-beli kontarast mi je zanimljiv, kao i beli pojas oko stomaka, ali nisam siguran da znam kako da ga interpretiram!) -- kako ga vi čitate?


Rad je nastao u vreme humanitaristicke intervencije u istocnu Evropu i ekplicitna je kritika ideologije humanitarizma i filantropije. Jedan autor analizirajuci ovaj rad, napisao je da se ideologija humanitarizma moze svesti na slogan: "Pomoc lokalnom- novac globalnom". Ovaj rad ostvaren je novcem Soros fondacije i reflektuje fondacijski intervencionizam u Rusiji tokom devedestih.

Medjutim najbolji "rad":) napravio je direktor ruske Soros fondacije kada je citav godisnji budzet fondacije "pozajmio" cecenskim biznismenima da ga obrnu na trgovini oruzjem i drogom. Nakon nekoliko meseci budzet od 6 miliona dolara je vracen centru, ali ova kratkorocnu pozajmica, je za istu sumu uvecala i privatni racun direktora fondacije. Kad je otkrivena ova berzanska transakcija, Soros fondacija u Moskvi je zatvorena.

evo jos jednog rada iz tog vremena, "Corruption.Apotheosis" u kome ucestvuju elita akteri moskovske kulturne scene:

Milica Tomić Milica Tomić 21:11 05.03.2008

Re: Preporuka

umberto
kako ga vi čitate?
Nemoj da bude nesto na brzinu, nemojte da se lenji da mislite.
Slutim odlicnu zabavu.


Umberto, ali mi ocekujemo od vas da vi mislite, i da nam kao intelektualni gigant, koji nas je udostojio da poseti ovaj blog - svojim super duhovitim i lucidnim komentarima omogucite ludu zabavu.

Verujemo da nas necete razocarati i da niste za dzabe - a ja verujem nakon dugog razmisljanja i s paznjom, odabrali ovaj fantasticni nick.
Dušan Maljković Dušan Maljković 21:15 05.03.2008

Re: Preporuka

Medjutim najbolji "rad":) napravio je direktor ruske Soros fondacije kada je citav godisnji budzet fondacije "pozajmio" cecenskim biznismenima da ga obrnu na trgovini oruzjem i drogom. Nakon nekoliko meseci budzet od 6 miliona dolara je vracen centru, ali ova kratkorocnu pozajmica, je za istu sumu uvecala i privatni racun direktora fondacije. Kad je otkrivena ova berzanska transakcija, Soros fondacija u Moskvi je zatvorena.


Eh Milice da i mi napravimo sličan performans, pa da nas Bog vidi u nekoj afričkoj zemlji pod potkupljivom diktaturom...:)
vucko vucko 21:19 05.03.2008

Re: Preporuka

Ovaj rad ostvaren je novcem Soros fondacije i reflektuje fondacijski intervencionizam u Rusiji tokom devedestih.

I šta je rekao Soroš, da li mu se svideo rad? :)
Milica Tomić Milica Tomić 21:32 05.03.2008

Re: Preporuka

vucko
Ovaj rad ostvaren je novcem Soros fondacije i reflektuje fondacijski intervencionizam u Rusiji tokom devedestih.
I šta je rekao Soroš, da li mu se svideo rad? :)

Taj nije imao pojma sta se radi po njegovim centrima za umetnost. To je prepustio svojoj zeni. Verovatno da je jedini RAD za koji je Soros ikada cuo bio ovaj u saradnji sa Cecenima :), a reagovao odmah - zatvorio moskovsku fondaciju.
Milica Tomić Milica Tomić 21:33 05.03.2008

Re: Preporuka

Dušan Maljković
Medjutim najbolji "rad":) napravio je direktor ruske Soros fondacije kada je citav godisnji budzet fondacije "pozajmio" cecenskim biznismenima da ga obrnu na trgovini oruzjem i drogom. Nakon nekoliko meseci budzet od 6 miliona dolara je vracen centru, ali ova kratkorocnu pozajmica, je za istu sumu uvecala i privatni racun direktora fondacije. Kad je otkrivena ova berzanska transakcija, Soros fondacija u Moskvi je zatvorena.

Eh Milice da i mi napravim sličan performans, pa da nas Bog vidi u nekoj afričkoj zemlji pod potkupljivom diktaturom...:)


i da najmimo Zizeka kao kucnog filozofa
vucko vucko 21:46 05.03.2008

Take me, I'm the drug

i da najmimo Zizeka kao kucnog filozofa

Da, dolazi go u paketu sa bračnim krevetom (umesto budilnika) i kaže: "eat me if you have constipation" :)
Dušan Maljković Dušan Maljković 21:50 05.03.2008

Re: Preporuka

i da najmimo Zizeka kao kucnog filozofa


To možemo i za manje pare...:)
leto dijalektike leto dijalektike 10:18 06.03.2008

Re: Sveze i bajato

Tekst i video jesu malo bajati, ali ovde je sve NOVOST!

Milice,

da li hocete da kazete da je problematika na koju Zizek upucuje negde prestala da bude aktuelna? Da li mi nesto propustamo?
Milica Tomić Milica Tomić 17:04 06.03.2008

Re: Sveze i bajato

leto dijalektike
Tekst i video jesu malo bajati, ali ovde je sve NOVOST!
Milice,

da li hocete da kazete da je problematika na koju Zizek upucuje negde prestala da bude aktuelna? Da li mi nesto propustamo?


Ovaj tekst i intervju se odnose na vreme diskusije i sukoba na slovenackoj teorijskoj sceni, kada je Soros bio aktivan i skoro jedini prisutan kako u Sloveniji, tako i u ostalim post-soc. zemljama. Nakon 2000 Soros fondacija vise nema tu ulogu koju je imala devedsetih. Povod ovog teksta je Zizekov obracun sa Rastkom Mocnikom koji je u to vreme (devedesetih) bio direktor Soros fondacije u Ljubljani. Lako je moguce da je Zizek kasnije reciklirao i teze i delove teksta u novijim intervjuima i tekstovima.

Ne kazem da sama problematika nije jos uvek aktuelna, medjutim kada citamo tekst i intervju u kontekstu devedesetih i aktivnog Sorosevog prisustva, "aktuelnija" je.
leto dijalektike leto dijalektike 23:04 06.03.2008

Re: Sveze i bajato


Milice,
Hvala na razjasnjenju!

Komentar se odnosio na uverenje da je ovde vise rec o samom principu humanitarnog poslovanja kao takvog nego o inter partes sporu ( koji je, moguce je, u pozadini).
Dušan Maljković Dušan Maljković 13:57 07.03.2008

Re: Sveze i bajato

Ovaj tekst i intervju se odnose na vreme diskusije i sukoba na slovenackoj teorijskoj sceni, kada je Soros bio aktivan i skoro jedini prisutan kako u Sloveniji, tako i u ostalim post-soc. zemljama. Nakon 2000 Soros fondacija vise nema tu ulogu koju je imala devedsetih. Povod ovog teksta je Zizekov obracun sa Rastkom Mocnikom koji je u to vreme (devedesetih) bio direktor Soros fondacije u Ljubljani. Lako je moguce da je Zizek kasnije reciklirao i teze i delove teksta u novijim intervjuima i tekstovima.


Samo da razjasnimo -- tekst je iz 2007, a Soros i dalje radi, tako da nisam siguran da se može proglasiti "bajatim", a bez obzira na pretpostavljene Žižekove motive -- za koje opet nisam siguran da su oni koji su konstitutivni za tezu koju brani -- ne vidim da je analiza izgubila bilo šta na aktuelnosti.

Inače, sama kritika Sorosa je nešto što bi Soros trebalo da podržava (vidimo da to i čini, bar efektivno, ako ne intencionalno) -- tako je konceptualizovan pojam "otvorenog društva" u Poperovoj filozofiji.
Nebojsa Jovanovic Nebojsa Jovanovic 22:59 05.03.2008

Preporuka uz Turski mars

Maljkovicu, preporuka za blog!

Moze li vise podataka o tome kada Zizek tacno dolazi u BG, gdje, kojim povodom, na ciji poziv itd. - jer takve najave sam cuo vise puta u zadnjih 7-8 godina, pa su se svaki put izjalovile...

Prilazem jedan od Zizekovih tekstova koji su kruzili naokolo prosle jeseni, valjda je dovoljno frisko. A ima i dovoljno stofa da nam se dezurni Ucitelj & "Sokalov prijatelj" jopet oglasi i egzaktno kaze da sve je to tabloidno mrsomudjenje jer, eto, bas jucer je on u svom komsiluku slusao Beethovena itd. znamo vec kako to egzaktno i netabloidno zna da zvuci... (Zato pozurite s tom najavljenom Lacanovom algebrom, to bi sigurno moglo izazvati dodatni angst, nije li i Sokal je o tome pisao...)

The Disturbing Sounds of the Turkish March
By Slavoj Zizek

On September 16, the French Minister of Foreign Affairs Bernard Kouchner warned the world that when it comes to Iran’s nuclear program: “We have to prepare for the worst, and the worst is war.”

The statement, predictably, caused great uproar, with criticism focused on what Sir John Holmes, head of the U.N. refugee agency, called the “Iraq taint.” After the scandal about Weapons of Mass Destruction as the excuse for invading Iraq, evoking such a threat forever lost its credibility. Why should we believe the United States and its allies now, when we have already been so brutally deceived?

There is, however, another aspect of Kouchner’s warning that is much more worrying. When the newly elected French President, Nicolas Sarkozy, nominated Kouchner, the great humanitarian who is politically close to the Socialists, even some of Sarkozy’s critics hailed the move as a pleasant surprise. Now the meaning of this nomination is clear: The return in force of the ideology of “militaristic humanism,” or even “militaristic pacifism.”

The problem with this label is not that it is an oxymoron, a reminder of the “War is Peace” slogans from Orwell’s 1984. The simplistic pacifist position “more bombs and killing never brings peace” is a fake, because one often has to fight for peace. Nor is the problem that, much like Iraq, the new target is chosen not out of pure moral consideration, but because of un-admitted geopolitic and economic strategic interests. No, the true problem with “militaristic humanism” resides not in “militaristic,” but in “humanism,” in the way a military intervention is presented as humanitarian aid. Justified in the name of depoliticized universal human rights, such interventions suggest that anyone who opposes them is not only taking the enemy’s side in an armed conflict, but also making a criminal choice that excludes him from the international community of civilized nations.

This is why, in the new global order, we no longer have wars in the old sense of regulated conflicts between sovereign states in which certain rules apply (the treatment of prisoners, the prohibition of certain weapons, etc.). What remains are “ethnic-religious conflicts” that violate the rules of universal human rights. They do not count as wars proper and thus demand the “humanitarian pacifist” intervention of Western powers—even more so in the case of direct attacks on the United States or other representatives of the new global order. These attackers are not considered soldiers, but rather “unlawful combatants,” criminally resisting the forces of universal order. In this conflict, it is impossible to even imagine a neutral humanitarian organization like the Red Cross mediating between the warring parties, organizing the exchange of prisoners, etc. Instead, one side in the conflict (the U.S.-dominated global force) already assumes the role of the Red Cross, perceiving itself not as one of the warring sides, but as a mediating agent of peace and global order that crushes particular rebellions and, simultaneously, provides humanitarian aid to “local populations.”

The key question is thus: Who is this “we” on behalf of whom Kouchner is speaking? Who is included in it and who is excluded from it? Is this “we” really the “world,” the apolitical community of civilized people acting on behalf of human rights? An unexpected answer (or, rather, a complication) arrived a month later, on October 17, when, in defiance of pressure from the United States, Turkey’s parliament voted by a large majority to allow its government to launch military operations into Iraq in pursuit of Kurdish rebels. Syrian President Bashar Assad, visiting Turkey, gave the final spin to this decision, when he stated that he supports Turkey’s right to fight “against terrorism and terrorist activities.”

It is as if, in this case, an intruder (and, on the top of it, an intruder without proper human rights credentials—see Turkey’s denial of the Armenian genocide) broke into the closed circle of the “we,” of those who hold the de facto monopoly on military humanitarianism. Our uneasiness is the same as that of a party host when an uninvited stranger arrives and acts as if he is one of the proper guests. What makes the situation unpleasant is not Turkey’s “otherness,” but their claim to sameness. It reveals the set of unwritten rules, silent prohibitions and necessary exclusion that construct the “we” of enlightened humanity.

The breathtaking irony is that the prospect of a Turkish march into Iraq already has a precedent in the official anthem of the European Union, the “Ode to Joy” from the fourth movement of Beethoven’s Ninth Symphony. This piece is a true “empty signifier” that can stand for anything. In France, Romain Rolland elevated it to the humanist ode to the brotherhood of all people (“the Marseillaise of humanity”). In 1938, it was performed as the highpoint of Reichsmusiktage and, later, for Hitler’s birthday. In China during the Cultural Revolution, in an atmosphere of rejecting European classics, it alone was redeemed as an exemplary piece of progressive class struggle. In the 1970s, during the time when both West and East German Olympic teams had to perform together as one German team, it was the anthem played whenever Germany won a gold medal. The Rhodesian white supremacist regime of Ian Smith, which proclaimed independence in the late 1960s in order to maintain apartheid, also proclaimed the same song as its national anthem. Even Abimael Guzman, the (now imprisoned) leader of the Peruvian Maoist terrorist group Shining Path, when asked what music he loves, mentioned the fourth movement of Beethoven’s Ninth. So we can easily imagine a fictional performance at which all the sworn enemies, from Hitler to Stalin, from Bush to Saddam, for a moment forget their adversities and participate in the same magic moment of ecstatic brotherhood.

There is, however, a peculiar imbalance in this piece of music. In the middle of the movement, after we hear the main melody (the Joy theme) in three orchestral and three vocal variations, something unexpected happens at this first climax, which has bothered critics since its first performance 180 years ago. At bar 331, the tone changes totally and, instead of the solemn hymnic progression, the same “Joy” theme is repeated in the marcia Turca (“Turkish march”) style. Borrowed from the military music for wind and percussion instruments that 18th century European armies adopted from the Turkish Janissaries, the mode becomes that of a carnivalesque popular parade, a mocking spectacle. Some critics have even compared the “absurd grunts” of the bassoons and bass drum that accompany the beginning of the marcia Turca to farts. And after this point, everything goes wrong, the simple solemn dignity of the first part of the movement is never recovered.

However, what if things do not go wrong only at bar 331, with the entrance of the marcia Turca? What if, instead, something was wrong from the very beginning? We should accept that there is something insipidly fake about the Ode to Joy, so that the chaos that enters after the bar 331 is a kind of the “return of the repressed,” a symptom of what was wrong from the very beginning. We should thus shift the entire perspective and perceive the marcia as a return to everyday normality that cuts short the display of preposterous portentousness and brings us back to earth, as if saying “you want the celebrate the brotherhood of men? Here they are, the real humanity.”

And does the same not hold for Europe today? After inviting all mankind to embrace the celebration of ecstasy, the second strophe of Schiller’s poem that is set to the music of “Ode to Joy” ominously ends: “But he who cannot rejoice, let him steal weeping away from our circle.” The main sign of today’s crisis of the European Union is precisely Turkey: According to most of the polls, the main reason of those who voted “no” at the last referendums in France and Netherlands was their opposition to Turkish membership. The “no” can be grounded in rightist-populist terms (no to the Turkish threat to our culture, no to the Turkish cheap immigrant labor), or in the liberal-multiculturalist terms (Turkey should not be allowed in because, in its treatment of the Kurds, it doesn’t display enough respect for human rights). But the opposite view, the “yes,” is as false as Beethoven’s final cadenza.

The case of today’s Turkey is crucial for the proper understanding of capitalist globalization: the political proponent of globalization is the ruling “moderate” Islamist party of the Prime Minister Erdogan. It is the ferociously nationalist secular Kemalists, partisans of the fully sovereign Nation-State, who resist full integration into the global space (and also have misgivings about Turkey joining the European Union), while the Islamists find it easy to combine their religious-cultural identity with economic globalization. Insisting on one’s particular cultural identity is no obstacle to globalization: The true obstacle is the trans-cultural nationalism.

So, should Turkey be allowed into the Union or should it be let to “steal itself weeping away” from the EU’s circle? Can Europe survive the Turkish march? And, as in the finale of Beethoven’s Ninth, what if the true problem is not Turkey, but the basic melody itself, the song of European unity as it is played to us from the Brussels post-political technocratic elite? What we need is a totally new main melody, a new definition of Europe itself. The problem of Turkey, the perplexity of European Union with regard to what to do with Turkey, is not about Turkey as such, but the confusion about what is Europe itself. The impasse with the European Constitution is a sign that the European project is now in search of its identity.

In his Notes Towards a Definition of Culture, the great conservative T.S. Eliot remarked that there are moments when the only choice is the one between sectarianism and non-belief, when the only way to keep a religion alive is to perform a sectarian split from its main body. This is our only chance today: Only through a “sectarian split” from the standard European legacy, by cutting ourselves off from the decaying corpse of the old Europe, can we keep the renewed European legacy alive. The task is difficult. It compels us to take a great risk of stepping into the unknown. Yet its only alternative is slow decay, the gradual transformation of Europe into what Greece was for the mature Roman Empire, a destination for nostalgic cultural tourism with no effective relevance.

The conflict about Europe is usually portrayed as one between Eurocentric Christian hardliners who want to keep out countries like Turkey and liberal multiculturalists who want to open the doors of the European Union much more widely, to Turkey and beyond. What if this conflict is the wrong one? Today, Poland has the distinction of the first Western country in which the anti-modernist backlash has won, effectively emerging as a hegemonic force. Calls for the total ban on abortion, the anti-Communist “lustration,” the exclusion of Darwinian theory from primary and secondary education, up to the bizarre idea to abolish the post of the President of the Republic and proclaim Jesus Christ the eternal King of Poland—these are coming together into an all-encompassing proposal to enact a clear break and constitute a new Polish Republic unambiguously based on anti-modernist Christian values.

The lesson is thus clear: Fundamentalist populism is filling in the void created by the absence of a Leftist dream. Donald Rumsfeld’s infamous statement about the Old and the New Europe is acquiring a new unexpected reality. The emerging contours of the “new” Europe of the majority of post-Communist countries (Poland, Baltic countries, Romania, Hungary) are defined by Christian populist fundamentalism, belated anti-Communism, xenophobia and homophobia, etc. What if cases like Poland should compel us to narrow the entry, to re-define Europe in such a way that it would exclude the Polish Christian fundamentalism? Maybe it is time to apply to Poland the same criteria we are so eager to apply to Turkey.
Dušan Maljković Dušan Maljković 23:04 05.03.2008

Re: Preporuka uz Turski mars

Moze li vise podataka o tome kada Zizek tacno dolazi u BG, gdje, kojim povodom, na ciji poziv itd. - jer takve najave sam cuo vise puta u zadnjih 7-8 godina, pa su se svaki put izjalovile...


Ovog puta je stvar proverena -- sam Žižek potvrdio (bliskom mi izvoru informacija). Više detalja u sledećem blogu, moram da održavam saspens...:)
Nebojsa Jovanovic Nebojsa Jovanovic 23:06 05.03.2008

Jos malo tabloidnog mrsomudjenja...

za po kuci i komsiluku...

China’s Valley of Tears
Is authoritarian capitalism the future?


By Slavoj Zizek

The explosion of capitalism in China has many Westerners asking when political democracy—as the “natural” accompaniment of capitalism—will emerge. But a closer look quickly dispels any such hope.

Modern-day China is not an oriental-despotic distortion of capitalism, but rather the repetition of capitalism’s development in Europe itself. In the early modern era, most European states were far from democratic. And if they were democratic (as was the case of the Netherlands during the 17th century), it was only a democracy of the propertied liberal elite, not of the workers. Conditions for capitalism were created and sustained by a brutal state dictatorship, very much like today’s China. The state legalized violent expropriations of the common people, which turned them proletarian. The state then disciplined them, teaching them to conform to their new ancilliary role.

The features we identify today with liberal democracy and freedom (trade unions, universal vote, freedom of the press, etc.) are far from natural fruits of capitalism. The lower classes won them by waging long, difficult struggles throughout the 19th century. Recall the list of demands that Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels made in the conclusion of The Communist Manifesto. With the exception of the abolition of private property, most of them—such as a progressive income tax, free public education and abolishing child labor—are today widely accepted in “bourgeois” democracies, and all were gained as the result of popular struggles.

So there is nothing exotic in today’s China: It is merely repeating our own forgotten past. But what about the afterthought of some Western liberal critics who ask how much faster China’s development would have been had the country grown within the context of a political democracy? The German-British philosopher Ralf Dahrendorf has linked the increasing distrust in democracy to the fact that, after every revolutionary change, the road to new prosperity leads through a “valley of tears.” In other words, after the breakdown of state socialism, a country cannot immediately become a successful market economy. The limited—but real—socialist welfare and security have to be dismantled, and these first steps are necessary and painful. For Dahrendorf, this passage through the “valley of tears” lasts longer than the average period between democratic elections. As a result, the temptation is great for leaders of a democratic country to postpone difficult changes for short-term electoral gains.

In Western Europe, the move from welfare state to the new global economy has involved painful renunciations, less security and less guaranteed social care. In post-Communist nations, the economic results of this new democratic order have disappointed a large strata of the population, who, in the glorious days of 1989, equated democracy with the abundance of the Western consumerist societies. And now, 20 years later, when the abundance is still missing, they blame democracy itself.

Dahrendorf, however, fails to note the opposite temptation: The belief that, if the majority of a population resists structural changes in the economy, an enlightened elite should take power, even by non-democratic means, to lay the foundations for a truly stable democracy. Along these lines, Newsweek columnist Fareed Zakaria points out how democracy can only “catch on” in economically developed countries. He says that if developing countries are “prematurely democratized,” then economic catastrophe and political despotism will soon follow. It’s no wonder, then, that today’s most economically successful developing countries (Taiwan, South Korea, Chile) have embraced full democracy only after a period of authoritarian rule.

Isn’t this line of reasoning the best argument for the Chinese way to capitalism as opposed to the Russian way? In Russia, after the collapse of Communism, the government adopted “shock therapy” and threw itself directly into democracy and the fast track to capitalism—with economic bankruptcy as the result. (There are good reasons to be modestly paranoid here: Were the Western economic advisers to President Boris Yeltsin who proposed this approach really as innocent as they appeared? Or were they serving U.S. strategic interests by weakening Russia economically?)

China, on the other hand, has followed the path of Chile and South Korea in its passage to capitalism, using unencumbered authoritarian state power to control the social costs and thus avoid chaos. The weird combination of capitalism and Communist rule proved to be a blessing (not even) in disguise for China.

The country has developed fast, not in spite of authoritarian rule, but because of it. With Stalinist-sounding paranoia, we are left to wonder, “Maybe those who worry about China’s lack of democracy are actually worried that its fast development could make it the next global superpower, thereby threatening Western primacy.”

————————————-

Today, the tragedy of the Great Leap Forward is repeating itself as a comedy. It has become the rapid capitalist Great Leap Forward into modernization, with the old slogan “iron foundry into every village” re-emerging as “a skyscraper into every street.” The supreme irony of history is that Mao Zedong himself created the ideological conditions for rapid capitalist development. What was his call to the people, especially the young ones, in the Cultural Revolution? Don’t wait for someone else to tell you what to do, you have the right to rebel! So think and act for yourselves, destroy cultural relics, denounce and attack not only your elders, but also government and party officials! Swipe away the repressive state mechanisms and organize yourself in communes!

And Mao’s call was heard. What followed was such an explosion of unrestrained passion to delegitimize all forms of authority that, at the end, Mao had to call in the army to restore order. The paradox is that the key battle during the Cultural Revolution was not between the Communist Party apparatus and the denounced traditionalist enemies, but between the Communist Party and the forces that Mao himself called into being.

A similar dynamic is discernible in today’s China. The Party resuscitates big ideological traditions in order to contain the disintegrative consequences of the capitalist explosion that the Party itself created. It is with this in mind that one should read the recent campaign in China to revive Marxism as an efficient state ideology. (Literally hundreds of millions of U.S. dollars are spent on this venture.)

Those who see this as a threat to capitalist liberalization totally miss the point. Strange as it may sound, this return of Marxism is the sign of the ultimate triumph of capitalism, the sign of its full institutionalization. For example, China has taken recent legal measures to guarantee private property, a move that the West has hailed as a crucial step toward legal stability.

But what kind of Marxism is as appropriate for today’s China? First, let’s look at the difference between Marxism and Leftism. Leftism is a term that refers to any talk of workers’ liberation—from free trade unions to overcoming capitalism. But the Marxist thesis says that developing the forces of production is the key to social progress, and it is this type of Marxist development that fosters the conditions for the continuing fast “modernization.”

In today’s China, only the Communist Party’s leading role can sustain rapid modernization. The official (Confucian) term is that China should become a “harmonious society.”

To put it in old Maoist terms, the main enemy may appear to be the “bourgeois” threat. But, in the eyes of the ruling elite, the main enemies are instead the “principal contradiction” between unfettered capitalist development that the Communist Party rulers profit from and the threat of revolt by the workers and peasants.

Last year, the Chinese government strengthened some of its oppressive apparatuses—including forming special units of riot police to crush popular unrest. These police are the actual social expression of what, in ideology, appears as a revival of Marxism. In 1905, Trotsky characterized tsarist Russia as “the vicious combination of the Asian knout [whip] and the European stock market.” Doesn’t this characterization still hold for modern-day China?

But what if the promised democratic second act that follows the authoritarian valley of tears never arrives? That is what is so unsettling about today’s China: Its authoritarian capitalism may not be merely a remainder of our past but a portent of our future.

nsarski nsarski 14:11 06.03.2008

Re: Jos malo tabloidnog mrsomudjenja...

Moje shvatanje ovih filozofskih vragolija nije usamljeno. Evo, na primer, kako **** vidi filozofske heroje nasih vrlih blogera:

My response so far has pretty much been to reiterate something I wrote 35 years ago, long before "postmodernism" had erupted in the literary intellectual culture: "if there is a body of theory, well tested and verified, that applies to the conduct of foreign affairs or the resolution of domestic or international conflict, its existence has been kept a well-guarded secret," despite much "pseudo-scientific posturing."

To my knowledge, the statement was accurate 35 years ago, and remains so; furthermore, it extends to the study of human affairs generally, and applies in spades to what has been produced since that time. What has changed in the interim, to my knowledge, is a huge explosion of self- and mutual-admiration among those who propound what they call "theory" and "philosophy," but little that I can detect beyond "pseudo-scientific posturing." That little is, as I wrote, sometimes quite interesting, but lacks consequences for the real world problems that occupy my time and energies (Rawls's important work is the case I mentioned, in response to specific inquiry).

The latter fact has been noticed. One fine philosopher and social theorist (also activist), Alan Graubard, wrote an interesting review years ago of Robert Nozick's "libertarian" response to Rawls, and of the reactions to it. He pointed out that reactions were very enthusiastic. Reviewer after reviewer extolled the power of the arguments, etc., but no one accepted any of the real-world conclusions (unless they had previously reached them). That's correct, as were his observations on what it means.

The proponents of "theory" and "philosophy" have a very easy task if they want to make their case. Simply make known to me what was and remains a "secret" to me: I'll be happy to look. I've asked many times before, and still await an answer, which should be easy to provide: simply give some examples of "a body of theory, well tested and verified, that applies to" the kinds of problems and issues that Mike, I, and many others (in fact, most of the world's population, I think, outside of narrow and remarkably self-contained intellectual circles) are or should be concerned with: the problems and issues we speak and write about, for example, and others like them. To put it differently, show that the principles of the "theory" or "philosophy" that we are told to study and apply lead by valid argument to conclusions that we and others had not already reached on other (and better) grounds; these "others" include people lacking formal education, who typically seem to have no problem reaching these conclusions through mutual interactions that avoid the "theoretical" obscurities entirely, or often on their own.

Again, those are simple requests. I've made them before, and remain in my state of ignorance. I also draw certain conclusions from the fact.

As for the "deconstruction" that is carried out (also mentioned in the debate), I can't comment, because most of it seems to me gibberish. But if this is just another sign of my incapacity to recognize profundities, the course to follow is clear: just restate the results to me in plain words that I can understand, and show why they are different from, or better than, what others had been doing long before and and have continued to do since without three-syllable words, incoherent sentences, inflated rhetoric that (to me, at least) is largely meaningless, etc. That will cure my deficiencies --- of course, if they are curable; maybe they aren't, a possibility to which I'll return.

These are very easy requests to fulfill, if there is any basis to the claims put forth with such fervor and indignation. But instead of trying to provide an answer to this simple requests, the response is cries of anger: to raise these questions shows "elitism," "anti-intellectualism," and other crimes --- though apparently it is not "elitist" to stay within the self- and mutual-admiration societies of intellectuals who talk only to one another and (to my knowledge) don't enter into the kind of world in which I'd prefer to live. As for that world, I can reel off my speaking and writing schedule to illustrate what I mean, though I presume that most people in this discussion know, or can easily find out; and somehow I never find the "theoreticians" there, nor do I go to their conferences and parties. In short, we seem to inhabit quite different worlds, and I find it hard to see why mine is "elitist," not theirs. The opposite seems to be transparently the case, though I won't amplify.

To add another facet, I am absolutely deluged with requests to speak and can't possibly accept a fraction of the invitations I'd like to, so I suggest other people. But oddly, I never suggest those who propound "theories" and "philosophy," nor do I come across them, or for that matter rarely even their names, in my own (fairly extensive) experience with popular and activist groups and organizations, general community, college, church, union, etc., audiences here and abroad, third world women, refugees, etc.; I can easily give examples. Why, I wonder.

The whole debate, then, is an odd one. On one side, angry charges and denunciations, on the other, the request for some evidence and argument to support them, to which the response is more angry charges --- but, strikingly, no evidence or argument. Again, one is led to ask why.

It's entirely possible that I'm simply missing something, or that I just lack the intellectual capacity to understand the profundities that have been unearthed in the past 20 years or so by Paris intellectuals and their followers. I'm perfectly open-minded about it, and have been for years, when similar charges have been made -- but without any answer to my questions. Again, they are simple and should be easy to answer, if there is an answer: if I'm missing something, then show me what it is, in terms I can understand. Of course, if it's all beyond my comprehension, which is possible, then I'm just a lost cause, and will be compelled to keep to things I do seem to be able to understand, and keep to association with the kinds of people who also seem to be interested in them and seem to understand them (which I'm perfectly happy to do, having no interest, now or ever, in the sectors of the intellectual culture that engage in these things, but apparently little else).

Since no one has succeeded in showing me what I'm missing, we're left with the second option: I'm just incapable of understanding. I'm certainly willing to grant that it may be true, though I'm afraid I'll have to remain suspicious, for what seem good reasons. There are lots of things I don't understand -- say, the latest debates over whether neutrinos have mass or the way that Fermat's last theorem was (apparently) proven recently. But from 50 years in this game, I have learned two things: (1) I can ask friends who work in these areas to explain it to me at a level that I can understand, and they can do so, without particular difficulty; (2) if I'm interested, I can proceed to learn more so that I will come to understand it. Now Derrida, Lacan, Lyotard, Kristeva, etc. --- even Foucault, whom I knew and liked, and who was somewhat different from the rest --- write things that I also don't understand, but (1) and (2) don't hold: no one who says they do understand can explain it to me and I haven't a clue as to how to proceed to overcome my failures. That leaves one of two possibilities: (a) some new advance in intellectual life has been made, perhaps some sudden genetic mutation, which has created a form of "theory" that is beyond quantum theory, topology, etc., in depth and profundity; or (b) ... I won't spell it out.

Again, I've lived for 50 years in these worlds, have done a fair amount of work of my own in fields called "philosophy" and "science," as well as intellectual history, and have a fair amount of personal acquaintance with the intellectual culture in the sciences, humanities, social sciences, and the arts. That has left me with my own conclusions about intellectual life, which I won't spell out. But for others, I would simply suggest that you ask those who tell you about the wonders of "theory" and "philosophy" to justify their claims --- to do what people in physics, math, biology, linguistics, and other fields are happy to do when someone asks them, seriously, what are the principles of their theories, on what evidence are they based, what do they explain that wasn't already obvious, etc. These are fair requests for anyone to make. If they can't be met, then I'd suggest recourse to Hume's advice in similar circumstances: to the flames.

Specific comment. Phetland asked who I'm referring to when I speak of "Paris school" and "postmodernist cults": the above is a sample.

He then asks, reasonably, why I am "dismissive" of it. Take, say, Derrida. Let me begin by saying that I dislike making the kind of comments that follow without providing evidence, but I doubt that participants want a close analysis of de Saussure, say, in this forum, and I know that I'm not going to undertake it. I wouldn't say this if I hadn't been explicitly asked for my opinion --- and if asked to back it up, I'm going to respond that I don't think it merits the time to do so.

So take Derrida, one of the grand old men. I thought I ought to at least be able to understand his Grammatology, so tried to read it. I could make out some of it, for example, the critical analysis of classical texts that I knew very well and had written about years before. I found the scholarship appalling, based on pathetic misreading; and the argument, such as it was, failed to come close to the kinds of standards I've been familiar with since virtually childhood. Well, maybe I missed something: could be, but suspicions remain, as noted. Again, sorry to make unsupported comments, but I was asked, and therefore am answering.

Some of the people in these cults (which is what they look like to me) I've met: Foucault (we even have a several-hour discussion, which is in print, and spent quite a few hours in very pleasant conversation, on real issues, and using language that was perfectly comprehensible --- he speaking French, me English); Lacan (who I met several times and considered an amusing and perfectly self-conscious charlatan, though his earlier work, pre-cult, was sensible and I've discussed it in print); Kristeva (who I met only briefly during the period when she was a fervent Maoist); and others. Many of them I haven't met, because I am very remote from from these circles, by choice, preferring quite different and far broader ones --- the kinds where I give talks, have interviews, take part in activities, write dozens of long letters every week, etc. I've dipped into what they write out of curiosity, but not very far, for reasons already mentioned: what I find is extremely pretentious, but on examination, a lot of it is simply illiterate, based on extraordinary misreading of texts that I know well (sometimes, that I have written), argument that is appalling in its casual lack of elementary self-criticism, lots of statements that are trivial (though dressed up in complicated verbiage) or false; and a good deal of plain gibberish. When I proceed as I do in other areas where I do not understand, I run into the problems mentioned in connection with (1) and (2) above. So that's who I'm referring to, and why I don't proceed very far. I can list a lot more names if it's not obvious.

Dakle, ovde se radi o jednoj sekti (kultu, ko vise voli), koja sebe reklamira kao people's people, a u pitanju je najobicnije sarlatanstvo sakriveno iza velikih reci.
Ko tebe tekstom, ti njega tekstom:)
vucko vucko 14:32 06.03.2008

Re: Jos malo tabloidnog mrsomudjenja...

Ko tebe tekstom, ti njega tekstom:)

A mi, pilići, ostali čitaoci, smo kolateralna šteta
nsarski nsarski 14:39 06.03.2008

Re: Jos malo tabloidnog mrsomudjenja...

A mi, pilići, ostali čitaoci, smo kolateralna šteta

Oni su prvi poceli sa kilometarskim tekstovima. Kao da to nesto dokazuje:)))
Soylent Green Soylent Green 23:12 05.03.2008

Adorno rules!

Prvo, evo jedne smislenije odbrane Zizeka od priucenih filozofa.

Drugo, najezda dobrotvora, tree-hugger-a, spasilaca crnacke dece sa krupnim ocima i muvama po licu, green-manijaka i slicnih je samo logicna posledica ulaska ideologija u maloprodajnu mrezu i razvoja nove hobi-industrije.

Samo da napomenem da je Adorno prvi razradio pseudoaktivnosti u smislu iz naslovnog posta. Ranije su ljudi, ili pravilnije potrosaci, prekracivali svoju ispraznu i besmislenu egzistenciju kroz hobije, tj. kroz ono sto Adorno naziva pseudoactivities. Kupite razne alatke i materijale i onda sami radite ono sto profesionalno moze da se uradi 10x jevtinije i 10x bolje. Kad vec nemate sta sa sobom da radite, imitirate stvarne profesije - od raznoraznih umetnosti do kucnog pravljenja piva.

Identicno se desava sa global warmingom, gladju u Africi, i ostalim stvarima koje potrosaci vide na TV-u. Pored piva u domacoj radinosti sada mozete da se igrate i uzvisenijih stvari tj. pomaganju gladnima, bolesnima i glupima. Kada hobi izmesti funkcionalne ideologije (koje imaju sansu da smaknu vladare), otudjenje je savrseno, i zavrseno.

Ziveli!
Marko Ristic Marko Ristic 11:36 06.03.2008

Re: Adorno rules!

Adorno rules!


Samo da napomenem da je Adorno prvi razradio pseudoaktivnosti u smislu iz naslovnog posta. Ranije su ljudi, ili pravilnije potrosaci, prekracivali svoju ispraznu i besmislenu egzistenciju kroz hobije, tj. kroz ono sto Adorno naziva pseudoactivities. Kupite razne alatke i materijale i onda sami radite ono sto profesionalno moze da se uradi 10x jevtinije i 10x bolje. Kad vec nemate sta sa sobom da radite, imitirate stvarne profesije - od raznoraznih umetnosti do kucnog pravljenja piva.


Žižek: I can only give you an extremely unsatisfying and naïve answer, which is that Adorno and Horkheimer's formal logic was correct. The whole project in The Dialectic of Enlightenment is "let's paint the ultimate outcome of the administered world as unavoidable, as catastrophe, for this is the only way to effectively counteract it." Adorno and Horkheimer had the right insight; I agree with their formal procedure, but as for the positive content, I think it's a little bit too light. Although all is not as bad as it might appear. Let me give you an interesting anecdote, which may amuse you. Officially, for the youth generation the standard position is "Adorno is bad; he hated jazz. Marcuse is good; solidarity with the students and so on." I know people in Germany who knew Adorno and I know people, such as Fred[ric] Jameson, who knew Marcuse. Marcuse was much nastier. To make a long story short, Marcuse was a conscious manipulator. Marcuse wanted to be popular with students, so he superficially flirted with them. Privately, he despised them. Jameson was Marcuse's student in San Diego, and he told me how he brought Marcuse a Rolling Stones album. Marcuse's reaction: Total aggressive dismissal; he despised it. With Adorno, interestingly enough, you always have this margin of curiosity. He was tempted, but how does something become a hit? Is it really true that the hitmaking process is totally manipulated. For example, if you look in the Introduction to Music Sociology, in the chapter on popular music, Adorno argues that a hit cannot be totally planned. There are some magic explosions of quality here and there. Adorno was much more refined and much more open at this level.

My answer, then, would be this vulgar one. Adorno and Horkheimer's formal strategy was the correct one, but my main counterargument, which I develop a bit further in my Deleuze book, is that the key enigma concerning the failure of critical theory was their total ignorance and avoidance of the phenomena of Stalinism. I know, I did my homework; You have this general theory, which was very fashionable in the 1930s, of how all big systems - fascism, Stalinism - they approach the same model of total state control, blah, blah, blah, end of liberal capitalism. Then you have Marcuse's very strange book, Soviet Marxism, which is totally dispassionate and very strange. Then you have some of the neo-Habermasians, like Andrew Arato, and so on, but they don't so much advance a positive theory of Stalinism. What they do instead is this civil society stuff, which I think is of very limited usefulness. Of course, civil society was a big motto in the last years of real socialism as a site of resistance. But from the very beginning, it was ambiguous. For example, in Russia, Vladimir Zhirinovsky - alright now he's a clown, but... If there is a civil society phenomenon, it's Zhirinovsky. notenotenote
Vladimir Volfovich Zhirinovsky is one of the founders of Liberal Democratic Party of Russia (LDPR) which emerged in 1989 and advances a far-right, nationalist platform that has included promises to reclaim territory in Finland and Alaska from Russia's imperial empire and to use nuclear weapons. Although Zhirinovksy has been dismissed as a fascist, a xenophobe, and an anti-Semite whose extremist views threaten democracy in Russia, he and the LDPR have attracted popular support. The LDPR won the largest share--23%--of the popular vote and 15% of the seats in the 1993 federal assembly election. Zhirinovsky placed fifth in the 2000 presidential election.note15note It's the same in Slovenia. Quite often, if I were to choose between the state and civil society, I'm on the side of the state.

Then you have in Adorno and Horkheimer, in their private letters, these kind of aggressive statements, but with no theory. Now isn't this an incredible thing - the dialectic of Aufkl 0rung - the idea being the project of Aufkl 0rung, of emancipation. The supreme question should be why did Marxism go wrong? But the Frankfurt School was too focused on anti-Semitism and Nazism to ask this question. How could they have ignored this? Even Habermas, he only has this totally boring, unsatisfying theory of belated modernization. The idea being that we don't have anything to learn from the East; it was a deadlock; the East has to catch up with us. It's not surprising, then, that Habermas is very unpopular in ex-East Germany, because basically his lesson is the worst West European appropriation: we don't have anything to learn from you, you have to join us. Habermas explicitly rejects any notion that any positive could emerge from the reunification of the two Germanys as being potentially right-wing revisionism. The idea being that such thought can be functionalized, used by a right-wing, anti-American, anti-liberal, anti-Western-democracy rhetoric. So, again, this is my big problem with this idea of the dialectic of enlightenment. Although there is, of course, an element of truth in this basic insight that so-called permissive societies can also have forms of domination, what was later expressed by Marcuse's terms, "repressive tolerance," "repressive desublimation," nonetheless, they do it via a kind of false shortcut. The way they do it is basically, "Oh, there is something wrong there. The apparatus of the dialectic of Aufkl 0rung, this basic idea of instrumental reason, domination over nature, and so on." Something wrong there. The analysis is not strong, not concrete enough. If the problem was "how did the dialectic of Aufkl 0rung go wrong?" the focus should've been on Stalinism.

I say this, and people accuse me of Leninist-Stalinism, but no, sorry, I am from the East, I know what shit it was. I have no nostalgia for Stalinism. In simplistic terms, the paradox is that it's a relatively easy game to assess fascism. Hitler was bad guy who wanted to do some bad things, and really did many bad things. So, ok, with all the complexity, how did it function? The situation in Nazi Germany is fairly clear. But, my god, with the October Revolution, with Lenin, it's more complicated. Sorry, but if you read the reports, how did Lenin succeed, against even the majority of the politburo? There was a tremendous low-level explosion. People down below wanted more. However the revolution was twisted, there was an emancipatory explosion. The difficulty is thinking this explosion together with what happened later and not playing any of the easy, Trotskyite games. If only Lenin were to live two years longer, were to make the pact with Trotsky, blah, blah, blah. I don't buy this [line of argument]. No, the problem is how, as a result of first the socialist revolution, you get a system that at a certain level was, in naïve terms, much more irrational.

For example, take my mental experiment. Compare two ordinary guys, in Germany and the Soviet Union, in 1937 let's say. First the German. Ok, a couple of provisos are necessary, I know. First, let's say you are not a Jew, not a communist, and you don't have accidental enemies in the Nazi apparatus. Now, with these conditions met, if you didn't meddle with politics, of course, you could live a relatively safe life. Incidentally, to give you some proof, there is a biography of Adorno that came out. Did you know that Adorno was going back to Germany until 1937? This gives you a slightly different image of Germany. But not in the Soviet Union. Wasn't it the case that 1937 was the high point of the purges? I mean, the fear was universal, literally anybody could be exterminated. You know, you didn't have this minimal safety of, you know, if I duck down, if I don't stick out, I may survive. Ha, Ha! No, under Comrade Stalin, no way, no way! [Chuckles] So, isn't this, my god, calling, calling for a kind of refined analysis? And, shit, you don't find it there. That's, for me, the tragedy of critical theory.

Again, it's even more ridiculous, with Habermas, living in West Germany. It was across the street from the GDR, but he simply treated it as a non-existent country. East Germany didn't exist for him. Now, isn't this a symptom of some serious theoretical flaw? And this is why I think Habermas is fundamentally a failure. He has this model of enlightened, modernity as an unfinished project - we should go on - it's not yet fully realized, blah, blah, blah. Sorry, I don't think this is a strong enough analytic apparatus to equate fascism with Stalinism, because they didn't fully realize the enlightenment project. Again, we still lack an adequate theory of Stalinism.

You know who comes closest to my position here? The so-called revisionist scholars of the Soviet Era, like Shelia Fitzpatrick. Some of the more radical anti-communist historians try to dismiss them, saying they try to whitewash the horror, but I don't think so. They paint the horror. I've read Fitzpatrick's book - it's wonderful, in a horrible sense - Everyday Stalinism. notenotenote
See Shelia Fitzpatrick, Everyday Stalinism: Ordinary Life in Extraordinary Times: Soviet Russia in the 1930s (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999). note16note It doesn't go into excessively big topics. She limits herself to Moscow. It asks a simple question: what did Stalinism mean? Not if you were a top nomenklatura and caught in the purges. How did Stalinism function at an everyday level? What movies did you watch? Where did you go shopping? What kind of apartment did you live in? How did it function? Historians are starting to ask the right questions. You know, you get a pretty horrible image of the extremely chaotic nature of life under Stalin.

Everybody emphasizes how there was a big purge in 1936-37, when one-and-a-half million people were thrown out of the Communist party. Yes, but one year later one million, two-hundred thousand people were readmitted. Now, I'm not saying it wasn't so bad. I'm just saying that the process was much more chaotic. There is one ingenious insight by Fitzpatrick. The game Stalin played was the pure superego game; Stalinism was Kafkaesque in the sense that it wasn't totalitarian. Ok, it was, ultra -totalitarian, but not in the superficial sense, where you get clear orders that must be obeyed. Stalin played a much more tricky game. Take collectivization. From the top, you received an order, say, "Cossacks should be liquidated as a class." It was not stated clearly what this order meant - dispossess them, kill them etc. That ambiguity was part of Stalin's logic. Being afraid of being denounced as too soft, local cadres went to extremes, and then, the interesting irony is that the only positive concrete intervention of Stalin was his famous dizziness with success. Here, he would say, "No, comrades, we should respect legalities." Stalin's obscenity was that he put in this kind of abstract, superego injunction which threw you into a panic, and then he appeared as a moderate.
Liberation Hurts: An Interview with Slavoj Žižek
http://www.electronicbookreview.com/thread/endconstruction/desublimation
J. Winter J. Winter 00:37 06.03.2008

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